Essai de traduction de quelques épitres et autres poésies latines de Michel de L'Hopital, chancelier de France : avec des éclaircissemens sur sa vie et son caractere.

With: Eloge de Michel de L'Hôpital, chancelier de France ... / [Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, marquis de Condorcet]. A Paris : Chez Demonville, 1777 -- Eloge de Michel de L'Hôpital ... / L'abbé Remy. A Paris : Chez Demonville, 1777 -- Eloge de Michel de L'Hôpital, ... / [Antoine Jean Baptiste Auget, baron de Montyon]. A Paris : Chez Demonville ... , 1777 --Eloge historique de Michel de L'Hospital ... / [Jacques Antoine Hippolyte, comte de Guibert. S.l. : s.n.], 1777.

Romance literature pamphlets.

A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets.

Clair de lune.

Clair de lune.--Un coup d'état.--Le loup.--L'enfant.--Conte de Noél.--La reine Hortense.--Le pardon.--La légende du Mont-Saint-Michel.--Une veuve.--Mademoiselle Cocotte.--Les bijoux.--Apparition.--La porte.--Le père.--Moiron.--Nos lettres.--La nuit (cauchemar).

The works of Walter Bagehot ...

Same as the Hartford edition of 1889, except that the General index in last volume has been made more complete and the second memoir by Hutton replaced by memoir by R. Giffen.

Über einige Wörter der Liebessprache : vier Aufsätze /

Bibliographical footnotes.

Histoire des journaux et des journalistes de la révolution française (1789-1796) /

t. 1. Introduction. Coup d'œil préliminaire sur les journaux publiés de 1789 à 1796. Brissot-Warville. Peltier. Marat. Hébert.--t. 2. Barère. Camille Desmoulins. Fauchet et Bonneville. Condorcet. Robespierre. Tallien. Cérutti, Grouvelle et Ginguené. Prudhomme, Tournon et Loustalot. Fréron et Labenetta. Royou et Montjoye. Mirabeau. Babeuf. Cloots. Mallet du Pan. Gorsas. Mercier et Carra. Garat. Momoro. Louvet. Audouin. Rabaut Saint-Étienne. Chénier.

The chicken ovalbumin upstream promoter-transcription factors modulate genes and pathways involved in skeletal muscle cell metabolism

The chicken ovalbumin upstream promoter-transcription factors ( COUP-TFs) are orphan members of the nuclear hormone receptor ( NR) superfamily. COUP-TFs are involved in organogenesis and neurogenesis. However, their role in skeletal muscle ( and other major mass tissues) and metabolism remains obscure. Skeletal muscle accounts for similar to 40% of total body mass and energy expenditure. Moreover, this peripheral tissue is a primary site of glucose and fatty acid utilization. We utilize small interfering RNA ( siRNA)-mediated attenuation of Coup-TfI and II ( mRNA and protein) in a skeletal muscle cell culture model to understand the regulatory role of Coup-Tfs in this energy demanding tissue. This targeted NR repression resulted in the significant attenuation of genes that regulate lipid mobilization and utilization ( including Ppar alpha, Fabp3, and Cpt-1). This was coupled to reduced fatty acid beta-oxidation. Additionally we observed significant attenuation of Ucp1, a gene involved in energy expenditure. Concordantly, we observed a 5-fold increase in ATP levels in cells with siRNA-mediated repression of Coup-TfI and II. Furthermore, the expression of classical liver X receptor ( LXR) target genes involved in reverse cholesterol transport ( Abca1 and Abcg1) were both significantly repressed. Moreover, we observed that repression of the Coup-Tfs ablated the activation of Abca1, and Abcg1 mRNA expression by the selective LXR agonist, T0901317. In concordance, Coup-Tf-siRNA-transfected cells were refractory to Lxr-mediated reduction of total intracellular cholesterol levels in contrast to the negative control cells. In agreement Lxr-mediated activation of the Abca1 promoter in Coup-Tf-siRNA cells was attenuated. Collectively, these data suggest a pivotal role for Coup-Tfs in the regulation of lipid utilization/cholesterol homeostasis in skeletal muscle cells and the modulation of Lxr-dependent gene regulation.

UMA ECOLOGIA REFÉM DO PODER ECONÔMICO: Leitura exegética sócio-econômica de Deuteronômio 5,12-15

Com esse trabalho, visamos discutir a tentativa de estabelecer um equilíbrio entre o ser humano e natureza na área rural de Judá, pouco antes do reinado de Josias (640-609 a.C.). Nesse caso, pode-se perguntar: seria o mandamento de Deuteronômio 5,12-15 um discurso ecológico? A partir dos estudos de Frank Crüsemann e Haroldo Reimer se admite que partes das leis veterotestamentárias eram destinadas ao assim chamado grupo povo da terra de Judá, visando à manutenção de seu poder. O grupo teria assumido a liderança em Judá mediante um golpe político e, articulando-se, desde então, numa política de aliança para se conservar no poder, mesmo não o assumindo diretamente. Nesse contexto de política de alianças deve-se procurar a implementação do mandamento de Deuteronômio 5,12-15. Ele teria sido escrito por anciãos, um grupo junto ao qual o povo da terra teria se aliado para que ordenassem sentenças jurídicas para a acomodação social. Nesse caso, inicialmente o portão da cidade, espaço oficial para discussões, reclamações e propostas de intermediações, deve ter sido o lugar de elaboração de sentenças jurídicas sobre a utilização de técnicas na agricultura. Sendo elas posteriormente levadas ao tribunal do templo para passar pelas mãos dos sacerdotes, outro braço da coalizão. O uso dos animais de porte, cujo peso prejudicava as pequenas propriedades de terra de Judá, deve ter sido um motivo de incessantes conflitos entre pequenos e grandes proprietários de terra. Ressaltamos assim que apenas os homens mais abastados de Judá tinham acesso a esses animais. Esta solução, segundo se entende, liga o rodízio de culturas ao descanso do campo pertencente ao povo da terra de Judá. Liga-se o termo sábado com a vida da elite rural judaíta do período do reinado de Josias. Uma saída encontrada pelas elites de Judá, a qual nos leva a ponderar uma situação similar que ocorre na América Latina, diante da globalização. Se o texto Deuteronômio 5,12-15 é uma ponderação das elites hegemônicas de Judá que buscam o equilíbrio entre ser o humano e a natureza (ecologia), o discurso ecológico contemporâneo poderá ter neste texto um importante interlocutor. Esse discurso pode ocultar interesses econômicos, completamente diferentes, pois se trata de uma estratégia dominadora e não libertadora, objetivando-se, sobretudo, a reprodução social. O Brasil e os demais países da América Latina vêm sofrendo, há algum tempo, com essa distância entre a elite e o resto da sociedade. Nossas elites utilizam-se, há tempos, do discurso ecológico para se manterem no poder dessas sociedades. Por exemplo, vemos nos noticiários uma quantidade de programas e manchetes ligadas à destruição da natureza. Isso é interessante porque, após terem eles mesmo destruído a natureza, passam agora a defendê-la; controlando as reservas naturais, garantindo sua produtividade e seu status quo no sistema econômico atual.(AU)

COSTA REGO E O CURSO PIONEIRO DE JORNALISMO DA UNIVERSIDADE DO DISTRITO FEDERAL

A história da Universidade do Distrito Federal (UDF) perpassa por sua experiência singular na institucionalização do Ensino Superior no Brasil. Fruto de um movimento educacional liberal pelo saber desinteressado e comprometido apenas com a verdade, a universidade carrega a honra de ter instituído o primeiro curso de Jornalismo no país. Sistematizado pelo jornalista Pedro da Costa Rego, editor do diário carioca Correio da Manhã e reconhecido como um dos profissionais da Imprensa mais respeitados de sua época, o curso foi relegado ao esquecimento, após o fechamento da instituição em razão do Golpe de Getúlio Vargas, com o início do Estado Novo. Este trabalho visa resgatar a importância desse ensaio inédito do Jornalismo na universidade, desvendando as bases teóricas que forneceram subsídios a Costa Rego para sistematizar o curso e como sua trajetória profissional o credenciou para ser o Primeiro Catedrático em Jornalismo do Brasil. Um estudo histórico, que se utiliza da pesquisa documental e bibliográfica para preencher essa lacuna no processo comunicacional brasileiro.(AU)

ENSINO SUPERIOR E SOCIEDADE BRASILEIRA: ANÁLISE HISTÓRICA E SOCIOLÓGICA DOS DETERMINANTES DA EXPANSÃO DO ENSINO SUPERIOR NO BRASIL (DÉCADAS DE 1960/70)

O trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa teórica, documental e histórica sobre a expansão do ensino superior brasileiro nas décadas de 1960 até meados de 1970. Especificamente, objetivou demonstrar como e de que forma se deu o processo de expansão do ensino superior e seus determinantes políticos, econômicos e sociais, além de analisar as causas sociais do aumento da pressão pelo acesso ao ensino superior. Para tanto, o trabalho está baseado na obra de diversos autores brasileiros sobre o ensino superior e sobre a formação social brasileira no período, além da análise de documentos e legislação específica sobre o ensino superior. Conclui que as transformações ocorridas na sociedade brasileira a partir de meados da década de 1950 levam as camadas médias, mais que qualquer outra classe, a elevar a pressão pelo acesso ao ensino superior. Tal pressão das camadas médias vai, no contexto político aberto pelo golpe militar de 1964, dar base social ao movimento estudantil, que figura como principal foco de contestação política da ditadura. A expansão do ensino superior, que se deu no processo da reforma universitária de 1968 e nos anos seguintes, levada à cabo pela ditadura militar, determinou modificações administrativas que já estavam presentes nas reivindicações dos estudantes, assim como já vinham sendo colocadas em prática em instituições como o ITA e a UNB, ao mesmo tempo que promoveu o ensino superior privado, baseado na multiplicação dos cursos e estabelecimentos isolados, com a intenção principal de conter o movimento estudantil e impedir a passagem das camadas médias ao campo da oposição, o que auxiliou na conquista da hegemonia possível na sociedade brasileira.(AU)

Alberto Girri, or poetry as hermeneutic reason

One of the main factors that makes the poetry of the Argentine Alberto Girri (1919–1991) a whole world of its own is my argument that in a fragmentary world like the present, poets search for a formal integrity which in the act of reading creates not only their own inner world but also the readers'. It is important to insist on this turning point in which most of the Symbolist work is circumscribed. Later, this would be of capital importance for the avant-garde as well as for the post-avant-garde: Mallarmé's Un coup de dés jamais n'abolira le hasard would make poetry something absolutely modern. An original distribution of the white and black opened a new space for the text, shifting the then dominant phonocentrism. My close reading of this author as well as the given theoretical frame avoids the failure into an instrumental use either of the page or of the writing but ignoring physical reciprocity. What follows is, that this “shift” privileged heightened vision over audition of the “musical score”. Thus, an intense materialization of the language is achieved that increases the anonymity of the text. ^ Following this new arrangement of words, so to speak, Girri's poetic work now drives deeply inside words in order to lend them dignity from meaning. I conclude that the best way to “render” this poetry with religious aim (L. “re-ligare” to bind the fragmented) is by way of the philosophy of language. I also propose that Girri's task as a translator, mainly from English poetry, represented—with Jorge Luis Borges—a paradigmatic shift in the Spanish American horizon which had been under “logocentric” French rule since the time of Independence. This seismic change of perspective in late Modernism and post-Modernism is represented by a radical screening of Romance rhetoric, it was a shift not only over the inherited mother tongue but over his own work which was increasingly moving towards transcendent and/or metaphysical poetry. ^ Therefore, I did find that Girri's poem was constructed as a mirror closely related to that which was represented in the angelological tradition. ^

State collapse and politicized identity: Somalia and Sudan

Scholarship on how to rebuild failed or collapsed states provides scant theoretical guidance in the search for specific warning signs or mechanisms of collapsing states. This thesis argues that state collapse is a societal response to an identity crisis politicized by the state apparatus in response to a legitimation crisis. As regime legitimacy deteriorates, identity politics are deployed to build support for the regime, but typically at the cost of increasing other forces of internal conflict. Absent a mediating force to suppress internal conflict, the state collapses once the regime has been removed. Somalia and Sudan proceeded through this trajectory during their civil wars, though with different outcomes. Somalia fragmented into clan and subclan groups that continued their inimical relationship perpetuating the war following Siyad Barre's coup. Sudan maintained two core identity groups separated by the implementation of sharia that survived each state legitimation crisis, though the state's physical solidity endured.

Lan American Coups: Have They Vanished or Taken New Shapes?

In the following pages, three well-known Latinoamericanists share their views on the current prospects for coups in Latin America. They are: Rut Diamint of the University Torcuatto de Tella in Buenos Aires, Argentina; Pablo Policzer of the University of Calgary in Canada; and Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, DC. Each looks at the potential for coups from different perspectives but, all three come to similar conclusions. That is, that despite substantial gains in democracy, the threat of coups in Latin America remains latent. The authors agree that democracy is growing in the region. Opinion surveys such as the Americas Barometer consistently show that citizens in Latin America have gradually incorporated democracy as part of their core value system. Yet, the authors argue convincingly that Latin America faces new types of interruptions to its democratic process that should be considered coups, even if not following the traditional style of military coup that predominated in the past. Situations that have taken place in Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Honduras and other countries serve to illustrate the new trends. More specifically, Professor Diamint argues that in Latin America a culture of intolerance, demonization of the opposition, and the utilization of any method to achieve power prevails. In a region with a very high threshold of violence, governments fail to set an example of establishing a culture of debate, consensus, and transparency. This culture is inclined to uncontrollable political expressions, preferring confrontational means to resolve conflict. Within this scenario, “messianic” solutions are promoted and coups cannot be discarded as an option that would never transpire. Professor Policzer looks more closely to the constitutional loopholes that allow for a transformation of limited into absolute power. He argues that coups can be constitutional or unconstitutional, and that a constitutional coup can occur when violations to democracy actually stem from the constitutions themselves. In Honduras, for example specific provisions in the Constitution itself created conditions for a constitutional crisis; similar provisions have also led to constitutional authoritarianism in Venezuela and other countries. Dr. Policzer stresses that when a head of state or the military take absolute power, even temporarily, based on provisions in their constitutions; they are in essence staging a constitutional coup. These blind spots in constitutions, he argues, may be more serious threat to democracy than that of traditional coups. Lastly, Dr. Shifter argues that some kind of coup should be expected in Latin America in coming years, not only because fundamental institutions remain weak in some countries, but because the regional political environment is less prepared to respond effectively to transgressions than it was a few years ago. The good news, however, is that only a handful of countries, show no interest in governing. The bad news is that in those few countries where situations are indeed shaky, they are also in some cases aggravated by rising food and fuel prices, and spreading criminality, which pose serious risks to the rule of law and democratic governance.

A OAB no processo de transformação da sociedade brasileira: a seccional potiguar como espaço de redemocratização (1979-1988)

The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.

O jornal Tribuna do Norte e a publicidade do crime na esfera pública (1950-1970)

The study aims to analyze the crime of the advertising process in the post-World War II period in Brazil, considering the Tribuna do Norte newspaper as one of the main vectors of this production in the public sphere of Rio Grande do Norte. The theoretical discussion is based on sociologists Jürgen Habermas and John Thompson, among others, that bring ideas about the relationship between the press and the public space. Our research in the journal is during the period from 1950, the year of the creation of this press, to 1970, in the context of AI-5 law. This period is considered the consolidation of this periodic in the populist context of Aluízio Alves, as well as the articulation with political changes after and before military coup in 1964. The publicity of crime is showed as a historical building, involving journalistic procedures, subjects and spaces. The publicity is related to commercial and political questions when some facts turned into a public event. In this sense, this research focuses on the publicity in its political dimensions. Related to the methodology, it is an empirical and qualitative study, based on literature, with a descriptive and interpretative approach, according to historian Tânia de Luca. The corpus of analyze is composed by notes, titles, news, reports, advertisements, image texts, among another textual genres. The chapters present a study about the building and changes of the populist journalism; the publicity of crime in democratic times; besides the military coup in 1964 and the changes of publicity of crime. The results of analyzes show that Tribuna do Norte, although has adopted more liberal pattern from North American presses, during the analyzed period has yet conservative and authoritative patterns from old potiguar presses. In this period, the political practice, in spite of diverse commercial interests, was an important element in the trajectory of this ambiguous journalism that has influencing, in a significant way, the production of news of crime.