845 resultados para Constitution of 1988
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciência Política, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política, 2014.
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A Seguridade Social aprovada na Constituição Brasileira de 1988 não foi implementada conforme previsto na Carta Magna. As sucessivas reformas do Estado e, sobretudo, da previdência social,1 implementadas ao longo da década de 1990, justificadas sob a alegação de um suposto déficit entre receita e despesa, vêm contribuindo para descaracterizá-la enquanto sistema de proteção social, além de favorecer a fragmentação das políticas sociais que a integram: previdência, saúde e assistência. Ao tratar a previdência como seguro e não como política social, estas reformas tendem a minar e corroer as bases conceituais e financeiras da seguridade social, solapando a possibilidade de sua consolidação como propriedade social. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.
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The effects of constitution of precursor mixed powders and scan speed on microstructure and wear properties were designed and investigated during laser clad gamma/Cr7C3/TiC composite coatings on gamma-TiAl intermetallic alloy substrates with NiCr-Cr3C2 precursor mixed powders. The results indicate that both the constitution of the precursor mixed powders and the beam scan rate have remarkable influence on microstructure and attendant hardness as well as wear resistance of the formed composite coatings. The wear mechanisms of the original TiAl alloy and laser clad composite coatings were investigated. The composite coating with an optimum compromise between constitution of NiCr-Cr3C2 precursor mixed powders as well as being processed under moderate scan speed exhibits the best wear resistance under dry sliding wear test conditions. (C) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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A pesquisa de doutorado que apresento teve como objeto de estudo cartas escritas por diferentes sujeitos, enviando ideias para a Constituição brasileira promulgada em outubro de 1988. As cartas selecionadas são todas documentos manuscritos por diferentes sujeitos, componentes de um largo acervo documental, que apresenta indícios de que seus autores não concluíram o ensino fundamental, do tempo e do espaço em que foram escritas, hoje parte do fundo patrimonial do Museu da República. Esta pesquisa inseriu-se na temática sobre pluralidade de conhecimentos/saberes que circulam socialmente, especialmente os traduzidos por expressões escritas de sujeitos jovens e adultos. Entendi essa produção como um processo de participação política, ou seja, minha hipótese central pode ser assim resumida: sujeitos, em seus processos de produção de cidadania, ao escreverem cartas à elaboração da Constituição, em exercício de participação política, se autoproduzem como cidadãos, pela escrita. Mais do que exercício de cidadania, a abordagem e interpretação que fiz das escritas epistolares mostraram também que os sujeitos tinham conhecimentos que talvez ignorassem, e que independiam de conhecimentos formais para expressaram outros sentidos de cidadania, afirmando direitos tantas vezes negados. Esse reconhecimento levou-me à certeza de que estava diante de práticas sociais em que a noção de justiça cognitiva podia ser identificada, pelo fato de as pessoas, fora do espaço do conhecimento formal, revelarem outros conhecimentos indispensáveis ao exercício da cidadania, demonstrando a condição de iguais a pessoas escolarizadas em espaços formais. Assim sendo, devo admitir que o conhecimento formal não é condição para o exercício da cidadania, e que a presença de outros conhecimentos para além dos formais da cultura escrita, constituídos em redes, porque forjados na vida, no cotidiano em que os sujeitos vivem, e enredados em suas mais diferentes histórias que os constituem, e assim representados no modo como escreviam, permitiu reconhecer politicamente esses sujeitos de direito, fora do espaço da chamada educação formal. Esse reconhecimento levou-me à certeza (sempre provisória) de uma prática social em que a justiça cognitiva podia ser identificada, pelo fato de as pessoas, fora do espaço do conhecimento formal, revelarem outros conhecimentos indispensáveis ao exercício da cidadania, porque se reconheciam em patamar de igualdade com pessoas escolarizadas.
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There is a collective worldview on social policies that is expressed and understood by university professionals. However, it takes students time to construct this knowledge. Here, we provide fundamental ideas and a dynamic to facilitate learning of social policies. The preparation of a brief dictionary of significant terms is to be constructed as a group, alongside the maieutic work to be carried out by the teacher. The goal is to discover keys to understand the meaning of social policies and the underlying values that sustain a social and democratic rule-of-law state such as the one proposed in the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Attention is focused on the structure of the mixed welfare state. This is an integral proposal and comprises three dimensions. First, it considers the state and its possible welfare agents: business, market, the Church and civil society. The attitudes with which universal and inclusive social action is promoted, breaking radically with the aid-based meaning contained in other systems, are then addressed. Finally, we examine human dignity as a principle and aim of intervention, a basis for understanding other concepts such as human, social, labour and political rights. It is to be hoped that these pages prove useful for both teaching staff and students.
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The Constitution of India. which has been described by an eminent writer as a "Corner stone of a nation". Has bestowed sufficient thought on the underprivileged. A number of provisions incorporated in it for their benefit tell the tale of statesmanship of the framers of the Constitution. for the vitality of a Constitution depends on the extent to which it affords protection to the under—priveleged. One such laudable provision in the Constitution relates to "weaker sections of the people", which has directed the State to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of such people. Besides. the Constitution has laid great stress on social justice. No comprehensive analysis in a single work seems to have been made so far of the connotations of social justice and the scope of the constitutional safeguards provided in favour of the weaker sections of the people. This thesis is the result of an attempt to analyse the connotations of social justice and the scope of the constitutional provisions made for the benefit of the weaker sections and the role played by the judiciary in this field The weaker sections, which are sought to be covered in this work, are "Backward C1asses". socially and educationally Backward Classes", "Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes" and women. The first two categories of weaker sections have not been defined in the Constitution. So, their meaning and the criteria to determine them have to be gathered from the reports submitted by various Backward Class Commissions and judicial decisions rendered in a number of cases. The main thrust in this work is to understand the meaning and contents of social justice, identify the relevant weaker sections and to examine the extent to which the social justice has been rendered to the said weaker sections. The scope of this thesis is confined to the examination of the role of the judiciary in this field. So, the enquiry has been focussed mainly on the decisions of the judiciary bearing on the subject with a view to assessing the role of the judiciary in rendering social justice meaningful to the weaker sections in particular and to the Indian Society in general.
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O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a plausividade da tese da mutação constitucional como mecanismo de efetivação da Constituição da República Federativa Brasil de 1988 e a partir dos 6 (seis) principais julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal verificar se os limites impostos a esse fenômeno estão sendo respeitados. Com objetivo de comprovar esta tese foi estudado desde a opção do poder constituinte originário em atribuir aspecto rígido a Constituição pátria, permitindo que algumas matérias de seu texto através de mecanismos específicos possam ser alterados, até a legitimidade reflexa dos ministros do STF para atuarem como legisladores positivos alterando o sentido da norma sem modificação de seu conteúdo. A exposição dos limites impostos a mutação constitucional também foi alvo de especial destaque, pois somente a partir da compreensão destes seria possível uma análise sobre eventual extrapolação de competência do Poder Judiciário. A partir dos julgados do STF verificamos que a mutação constitucional está sendo aplicada dentro os limites impostos, logo este instituto atingiu seu objetivo central de aproximar as normas constitucionais a realidade da sociedade sem ferir o princípio da Separação de Poderes. Como resultado concluímos que a mutação constitucional a partir do cenário político atual que assume a asfixia e a consequente morosidade do Poder Legislativo, é um instrumento imprescindível para dar efetividade aos preceitos e princípios fundamentais da Constituição. Na atual conjuntura abdicar deste valioso instrumento seria o mesmo que assumir o fracasso e a inobservância de todo ordenamento jurídico, já que este não conseguirá reger as relações humanas da sociedade.
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The paper investigates the legal mechanisms used by the Legislature and the Executive to implement the constitutional principle of the teacher s minimum wage, which is proclaimed in the Constitution as a strategy of professional appreciation for this category. The text demonstrates that the legal mechanisms used to value the teacher were: the 1988 Constitution, the constitutional amendments to this Charter updated and modified the original text in relation to the matter, and finally, the Minimum Wage Law . Article nº 206 of 1988 s Federal Constitution established that basic education teachers, who work in public schools, would be entitled to a national minimum wage. Law nº 11.738/2008 ( Minimum Wage Law ) regulated the matter and made other determinations on the relationship between the State and the teachers such as the establishment of parameters for the distribution of the workload of teachers. Based on this law, since 2009 the minimum wage has been set annually by the Federal Government. However, state governments and municipalities throughout Brazil protested prescriptions contained in the Minimum Wage Law . In this context, some governors and mayors led the Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of this law. The complainants considered that there was unconstitutional by the following: definition of the teacher s workday, which in the complainants point of view was competence of local governments; ensuring that teachers receive salaries tied to the minimum wage with retroactive effect; transformation of the minimum wage in basic salary, lack of sufficient budget in the states and municipalities to honor with the new values to be paid to teachers and, finally, determining workload for the teacher to perform other activities besides classroom activities. At the trial held at the STF the majority of Ministers rejected the claim and considered that the Minimum Wage Law , taken together, was constitutional. However, this decision did not alter the position of the managers or the interpretation of the ministers who agreed with the unconstitutionality of some aspects of the law. This means that one law can present differences in interpretation between ordinary people and among members of the Judiciary. The search showed the following conclusions: the law is not a definitive parameter of justice, because it is deeply linked to various interests; the development, implementation, and judgment of laws dealing with minimum wage of teaching are linked to historical and cultural aspects of society; the demand for enhancement of teacher and setting a minimum wage has only emerged in the late twentieth century, a fact explained in this work based on data that indicate the recent concern of Brazilian State with schooling a phenomenon typically Republican and with the professionalization of teaching emerging concern from the knowledge society; the Legislative and Executive search mechanism to implement the minimum wage of the teachers because of the contemporary need for professionalization of teaching
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In Brazil, a policy on citizen participation and consultation in urban intervention programs, in particular in the development of master plans, was first introduced into the Federal Constitution in 1988. This article presents an historical reconstitution of Master Plans in Bauru – State of São Paulo – Brazil. The 1968, 1988 and 2005/2006 consultation methods are analyzed using established criteria. The degree of community participation in the processes is estimated by drawing on a typology based on the level of involvement by residents. The effects of participation caused by changes in political regime, technical planning vision, legal support to consultation, recognition of community importance and knowledge acquired during the process are highlighted and discussed.
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The constitution of the ternary mattes Cu2S PbS Sb2S3 has never been completely investigated nor has there been any attempt to draw the complete ternary diagram. The following work is intended to [be] a contribution towards completion of this diagram by determining the specific gravity of different mattes and by pointing out some which show peculiarities of structure.
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The constitution of the ternary mattes CU2S-FeS-PbS has never been completely investigated. Fulton and Goodner 1) have investigated the binary mattes CU2S-FeS, CU2S-PbS, PbSFeS and have shown that the three binaries show eutectics. There has been no attempt however to draw the complete ternary diagram. The following work is intended to be a contribution toward the completion of this diagram by first of all pointing out those mattes which separate on melting into two layers, and second by determining the specific gravities of mattes of different compositions.
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Introduction : Before 1998, no one could think about the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution was a product of nationalist who had hard fought for independence from the Dutch colonization. This historical background made it the symbol of independence of the Indonesian nation. Thus, it has been considered as forbidden to touch contents of the 1945 Constitution whereas political leaders have legitimized their authoritarian rulership by utilizing a symbolic character of the Constitution. With the largest political turmoil since its independence, that is, a breakdown of authoritarian regime and democratic transformation in 1998-1999, however, a myth of the "sacred and inviolable" constitution has disappeared. A new theme has then aroused: how can the 1945 Constitution be adapted for a new democratic regime in Indonesia? The Indonesian modern state has applied the 1945 Constitution as the basic law since its independence in 1945, except for around 10 years in the 1950s. In the period of independence struggle, contrary to the constitutional provision that a kind of presidential system is employed, a cabinet responsible for the Central National Committee was installed. Politics under this institution was in practice a parliamentary system of government. After the Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, West European constitutionalism and party politics under a parliamentary system was fully adopted with the introduction of two new constitutions: the 1949 Constitution of Federal Republic of Indonesia and the 1950 Provisional Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. Since a return from the 1950 Constitution to the 1945 Constitution was decided with the Presidential Decree in 1959, the 1945 Constitution had supported two authoritarian regimes of Soekarno's "Guided Democracy" and Soeharto's "New Order" as a legal base. When the 32-year Soeharto's government fell down and democratization started in 1998, the 1945 Constitution was not replaced with a new one, as seen in many other democratizing countries, but successively reformed to adapt itself to a new democratic regime. In the result of four constitutional amendments in 1999-2002, political institutions in Indonesia are experiencing a transformation from an authoritative structure, in which the executive branch monopolized power along with incompetent legislative and judicial branches, to a modern democratic structure, in which the legislative branch can maintain predominance over the executive. However, as observed that President Abdurrahman Wahid, the first president ever elected democratically in Indonesian history, was impeached after one and a half years in office, democratic politics under a new political institution has never been stable. Under the 1945 Constitution, how did authoritarian regimes maintain stability? Why can a democratic regime not achieve its stability? What did the two constitutional amendments in the process of democratization change? In the first place, how did the political institutions stipulated by the 1945 Constitution come out? Through answering the above questions, this chapter intends to survey the historical continuity and change of political institutions in Indonesia along with the 1945 Constitutions and to analyze impact of regime transformation on political institutions. First, we examine political institutions stipulated by the original 1945 Constitution as well as historical and philosophical origins of the constitution. Second, we search constitutional foundations in the 1945 Constitution that made it possible for Soekarno and Soeharto to establish and maintain authoritarian regimes. Third, we examine contents of constitutional amendments in the process of democratization since 1998. Fourth, we analyze new political dynamics caused by constitutional changes, looking at the impeachment process of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Finally, we consider tasks faced by Indonesia that seeks to establish a stable democracy.
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Paged continuously.