RELIGIÃO E POLÍTICA Análise histórico-crítica das relações de poder entre o campesinato judaíta e a classe sacerdotal jerusolimitana no período pós-exílico

Partindo do pressuposto de que o laicismo preconiza uma separação radical entre Estado e Igreja, procuro demonstrar nesta tese, a partir de um recorte na história do Judaísmo que estas duas dimensões estiveram profundamente presentes em seu período inicial de formação. Esta tese se constitui como uma espécie de desconstrução da história tradicionalmente aceita pelos diferentes credos que utilizam o Antigo Testamento como fundamento de seu corpo doutrinal. Estabeleci as relações de poder, que se efetivaram entre os dois grupos sociais mais importantes dentro do contexto destacado, como meu objeto de pesquisa privilegiado. Por um lado tem-se o poder religioso, que sustentado por um projeto de caráter eminentemente político, subverteu a seu favor toda uma ordem natural na qual estavam alicerçadas, por outro lado, diferentes sociedades tribais. Nesse sentido o judaísmo se configurou como um sistema de crença que justificou e legitimou a classe sacerdotal jerusolimitana como classe dominante em toda a província de Judá. Manipulando os dados da tradição tribal a seu favor, a classe sacerdotal, não somente passou a dominar religiosamente as pessoas que habitavam a região da província de Judá, mas transformou os membros destas sociedades tribais em camponeses escravizados a um sistema de crença extremamente opressor. Segundo a tese de Marcel Gauchet, o judaísmo como ponto de partida da revelação judaico-cristã, se mostra, conforme o conceito weberiano de desencantamento do mundo , como início de um processo, onde a religião institucionalizada se tornou saída da religião . Processo esse, que teve seu clímax no período da modernidade e que nesse início de século XXI se vê num momento de transição quando passa a um novo período, isto é, à pós-modernidade: nesse sentido já se pode entrever seu ocaso.

DA OBJEÇÃO AO RECONHECIMENTO: uma análise da política eclesiástica da Assembleia de Deus brasileira com respeito à educação teológica formal (1943-1983)

Este texto é resultado de uma pesquisa, do ponto de vista histórico e sociológico, sobre a política eclesiástica da Assembleia de Deus brasileira com respeito à formação teológico-pastoral. Buscou-se entender como se deu a mudança de postura da liderança assembleiana, que, de uma objeção inicial quanto à educação teológica formal, passou a reconhecê-la como requisito ao ministério pastoral. O marco cronológico que delimita o tema explica-se pelo fato de que, em 1943, ocorreram as primeiras discussões oficiais sobre o ensino teológico formal, ocasião em que a Assembleia de Deus rejeitou a criação dos seminários teológicos. A mudança ocorreu gradativamente, mediante uma série de acontecimentos, dentre eles, a diminuição de influência dos missionários suecos junto às Assembleias de Deus, a criação da Casa Publicadora, a chegada de missionários norte-americanos e à ascensão de pastores apoiadores de uma educação formal. Quarenta anos depois, em 1983, a Convenção Geral dos líderes assembleianos decidiu recomendar a qualificação teológica, como exigência ao ministério pastoral. A metodologia adotada foi de uma pesquisa bibliográfica. Visando um estudo explicativo, foi feito um levantamento de dados históricos a partir dos periódicos oficiais da AD, além de documentos que retratam o assunto proposto neste trabalho.

Assembléia de Deus no Brasil e a política: uma leitura a partir do Mensageiro da paz

O presente trabalho apresenta a inserção do pentecostalismo no Brasil pela Assembléia de Deus, AD, em um contexto social, religioso e político que facultou sua consolidação em solo brasileiro. A pesquisa busca no encademento de fatos e circunstâncias estudadas a partir do Brasil colônia o pano de fundo sobre os quais se desenvolve o protestantismo de colonização, de missão e finalmente o pentecostalismo. A pesquisa destaca ainda que com uma visão pré-milenista, os pioneiros da Assembléia de Deus no Brasil enfatizaram a proximidade da Grande Tribulação. Como consequêcia do aspecto pré-milenista, a ênfase das pregações e da ação pastoral da AD estava na "salvação de almas", quantas fossem possível. As reformas sociais e o engajamento político foram deixados de lado. A indagação quais os discursos religiosos e seculares veiculados no jornal Mensageiro da Paz para sustentar a práxis religiosa e os posicionamentos que a igreja assumiu em relação à política partidária a partir de 1986, ajudou a revelar uma mudança de práxis religiosa e a visão que as lideranças da AD em sobre o papel da política na transformação social e nos problemas brasileiros. A presente investigação revela ainda que o Mensageiro da Paz não foi utilizado sistematicamente para propagação, edicação ou como instrumentp político até o ano 2000. A partir deste ano verifica-se um espaço crescente com retóricas políticas. Quais os discursos políticos que se empenham em legitimar o envolvimento da Assembléia de Deus no cenário político partidário brasileiro? Como se articulam para mobilizar os assembleianos a votarem nos candidatos escolhido pela Convenção Geral das Assembléias de Deus no Brasil, CGADB. A investigação nos Mensageiros da Paz permitiu, ainda, classificar os discursos políticos veiculados segundo uma tipologia político-militante ou político teórico.(AU)

CULTURA POLÍTICA BRASILEIRA, PRÁTICAS PENTECOSTAIS E NEOPENTECOSTAIS: A presença da Assembléia de Deus e da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus no Congresso Nacional (1999-2006)

Esta tese apresenta uma análise das práticas políticas de parlamentares pentecostais e neopentecostais da Assembléia de Deus e Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus no Congresso da República do Brasil, de 1999 a 2006. Compara essas práticas pentecostais e neopentecostais com padrões de comportamento da cultura política brasileira e as ações correspondentes do Estado nacional como preservador dessa mesma cultura. São estudados os agentes religiosos citados desde a investida que suas igrejas fizeram na política nacional, a partir da Constituinte de 1987-1988, mas o corte temporal são as duas legislaturas, de 1999 até 2006. O foco principal da análise é a Frente Parlamentar Evangélica constituída em 2003. O envolvimento de pentecostais e neopentecostais em casos de corrupção e apropriação de recursos públicos, conhecidos como mensalão e máfia dos sanguessugas , é amplamente abordado no último capítulo deste trabalho.(AU)

RELIGIÃO PROFÉTICA E CRISE POLÍTICA: Um estudo da sociedade norte-israelita à luz de Oséias 9,1-9.

Com o desenvolvimento deste projeto de pesquisa Religião profética e crise política: estudo da sociedade norte-israelita à luz de Oséias 9,1-9 queremos identificar que momento de crise foi essa pelo qual passou a sociedade norte-israelita no século VIII a.C., e qual seria o background oseânico que teria funcionado como um verdadeiro leitmotiv em sua vida profética. Ao invés de partirmos de uma regressão, i.é., de um estudo dedutivo (método descendente), devido à falta de material e também pela complexidade do trabalho, farei o inverso, partirei da teoria que hoje é plenamente aceita no meio acadêmico. Fundado numa metodologia que privilegia os resultados obtidos a partir dos mais rigorosos dados historiográficos métodos históricos críticos e pesquisas arqueológicas este projeto de pesquisa utilizará o método indutivo, i.é., partiremos de um processo ascendente. O desafio está em delinear a trajetória autonômica da monarquia norte-israelita, procurando estabelecer quais foram os momentos mais marcantes desta caminhada histórica, suscetíveis de forjar a manifestação de profetas como Amós, Oséias, Miquéias e tantos outros. Como objeto principal de nossa pesquisa, o foco estará sobre o profeta Oséias que soube como nenhum outro antes dele, fazer uma síntese entre religião e vida, i.é., soube desenvolver critérios éticos que serviram como parâmetro avaliativo de pureza da religião javista

A POLÍTICA DE FORMAÇÃO DO PROFESSOR DE QUÍMICA

Considerando as inúmeras fragilidades em relação à minha própria formação de professora de Química, considerando também as disposições legais e as orientações curriculares das políticas educacionais atuais que incorporam aportes teóricos fundamentais para que a aprendizagem se concretize e considerando ainda que as transformações nos procedimentos pedagógicos não acompanham o desenvolvimento das ciências da educação, este estudo teve com foco de investigação os seguintes problemas: a) os professores de Química que atuam no Ensino Médio estão devidamente formados para enfrentar as exigências colocadas pelos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacional para o Ensino Médio (PCNEM) e a realidade vivida na escola pública? b) O que o professor faz para que o aluno aprenda Química? c) A política de formação do professor de Química dá conta de formar o químico educador? Para obter os dados para responder a estas questões, recorri a uma pesquisa qualitativa de cunho etnográfico, aplicando questionários a um grupo de 12 professores de Química que atuam no Ensino Médio da rede pública estadual da Grande São Paulo. As questões do questionário foram agrupadas em três categorias: aprendizagem de conceitos, aprendizagem de procedimentos e aprendizagem de valores. No anos de 2001, essas categorias foram utilizadas por García Barros e Martinez Losada em pesquisa com professores da educação básica na Espanha, com ênfase nas duas primeiras, para averiguar que tipo de atividades se realiza habitualmente no ensino de Química e para conhecer a importância que os professores respondentes atribuem aos procedimentos que utilizam no processo de ensino. Os dados coletados, analisados à luz de contribuições dos estudiosos que compõem o corpo teórico deste estudo e das propostas contidas nos PCNEM, evidenciam que o saber fazer do professor, como o definem Carvalho e Perez (2002), é fruto de uma formação inicial precária e da quase inexistência de processos de formação continuada na escola.(AU)

A produção científica de psicologia e o debate sobre política social

Postgraduate studies in Psychology have passed through intense process of growth and consolidation, attested by current high levels of scientific production. It is questionable, however, the return that psychological science has given to a society that has made large investments. Considering the increasing integration of Psychology in the social welfare area, a form of possible and necessary contribution is by the expansion of social policy debate. This work aimed to discuss how Psychology postgraduate studies can contribute to understand the issue of social policy. The object were academic theses defended in the 2007/2009 triennium related to one of the five thematic criteria, which resulted in 105 theses of 824 defended in the period. The main results point to the existence of the issue in Psychology programs in a sprayed way, predominantly, albeit for a limited set of researchers and programs, "social policy" appears as a priority object of research, indicating incipient systematization of these studies. Moreover, it was found that while the majority of theses can be characterized by fragility of the theoretical frameworks in relation to the subject, with most research in a strictly technical perspective, some proportion of the studies reveals concern about putting the social policy debate into a broader social context, which represents the essential condition to construct a reasoned and robust theoretical critic. In conclusion, this thesis defends that psychological science can only contribute effectively to the society development if academic community promotes a structured articulation around the theme, deepens the theoretical debate and transforms the knowledge built into organized political practice

Avaliação de política pública: o ProInfo e sua gestão no município de Parnamirim (2009-2012)

The dissertation assesses aspects of the management of IT in Education Program (ProInfo), in the municipality of Parnamirim-RN. Checks as their management functions, with the following objectives: a) Examine whether the objectives of the activities related to teachers' program are being implemented according to the official documents, b) examine if there is a monitoring program activities as the activities of teachers c) Identify whether teachers develop activities and environments using the technological resources of the internet. The research brings a central issue: How ProInfo is subsidizing the activities of the teachers involved in the program to achieve their goals effectively? As a central hypothesis of this work, to be a general north to the research, we have: the ProInfo establishes a fragile and discontinuous link between the management of the activities of teachers and the goals that he sets. The hypothesis was validated by the analysis of data from field research, when we encounter a series of limiting aspects of program effectiveness at the municipal level. This research was undertaken with managers of state and municipal schools and teachers, using a sample of four schools Parnamirim-RN, in order to include some aspects of program management at the municipal level and effectiveness goals proposed, focusing on teachers who participated in the training. The methodological process consisted of literature review, interviews and documentary analysis carried to the organs responsible for ProInfo statewide (UNDIME/RN ) and municipal level, next to the Municipal Education Parnamirim-RN. Based on data collected from empirical field research, it was found that the ProInfo lacks periodic reviews by the governing bodies of the program, about the actions developed through appropriate instruments, which enable a more realistic view of the results of the program ex post (during or after deployment)

A política como projeto de autonomia em Cornelius Castoriadis

La investigación presenta los conceptos y argumentos más importantes para Cornelius Castoriadis que permitan elucidar el papel de la acción política en la búsqueda de la autonomía individual y colectiva. A partir de la delimitación histórica y conceptual de la reflexión filosófica sobre la autonomía, se muestra las principales críticas de Castoriadis dirigida al determinismo histórico, las tendencias totalitarias en la historia de la filosofía y la alienación promovida por la ideología capitalista. Por lo tanto, es esencial para comprender las categorías utilizadas por él durante toda su camino filosófico: sociedad, imaginación radical, imaginario social, lenguaje y social-histórico. Castoriadis opone a cualquier concepción de la historia que apela a un plan predeterminado, ya sea natural, racional o divino. Continúa la idea de que cada sociedad es el resultado de una tensión permanente entre la sociedad establecida y la sociedad instituyente porque cada sociedad es el resultado de la diferencia entre la sociedad en particular y el imaginario social que promueve su modificación. La historia es creada por la actividad teórica y práctica de los hombres, en la dimensión llamada social-histórico que impone un límite que no se puede superar incluso objeto de cuestionamiento y del constante cambio de la acción humana. Para aclarar el concepto de la democracia presentado por Castoriadis se analizan en profundidad como la imaginación radical se inserta en la formación de la persona y la institución de la sociedad, así como elucidar la forma en que se relacionan los conceptos de autonomía, heteronomia, libertad, igualdad y justicia, explicando el contexto que aparecen en la obra de Castoriadis.

Todo nordeste que couber a gente publica: o The New York Times e as representações do nordeste brasileiro na era da política da boa vizinhança (1933-1945)

The Brazilian Northeast has been a constant subject for journalists of one of the world's leading media companies - The New York Times - between 1933 and 1945. This time, the US government implemented a new foreign policy for Latin America - known as the Good Neighbor Policy. It preached, various points including more respect and attention to the countries south of U.S. borders. Because of her geostrategic importance, Brazil was one of the countries that received the most attention of the bureaucracy and American press. This study investigates the multiple Northeast representations formulated in The New York Times' pages when the Americans were spotlight is on the region. It delineates similarities and differences between the NYT, the press and the governments of the United States and Brazil from the ways of conceiving this particular part of Brazil. Through the analysis of texts, photographs and maps, it is dedicated to establish connections between spaces, press and politics of the 1930s and 1940s. These decades there were relevant changes in the political landscape of both countries that permeated the news, reports and articles of NYT. Circumstances such as the 1935 armed uprisings - known as Communist Conspiracy - the installation and operation of the New State, and especially the Brazilian and US participation in World War II and the bilateral negotiations on the installation of US bases in Brazil were cardinal for the various Northeast images that circulated in the publication. The region was repeatedly subject of correspondent of the New York newspaper in Brazil, Frank M. Garcia, but also present on matters of professionals responsible for various sections: review of books, publishing, tourism, foreign affairs, etc. Along the investigated period, the visions of the region made in the articles published in the newspaper that suffered major metamorphoses. Starting with Northeast of the drought, famine and death recurrent in Brazilian literature to the most dangerous point for hemispheric defense, passing through representations of the American West lawless nineteenth century and the Latin America marked by the dominance of exotic nature and stagnation, a space to be transformed by the US technical knowledge.

Novas formas de governança pública: um estudo do arranjo articulado para Implementação da política pública nacional de aprendizagem profissional

The configuration assumed by the institutional governance arrangement established in the cities of Fortaleza and Natal, and its influence on the implementation of the National Public Policy of Professional Learning that promotes the formation and integration into the labor market of teens and young people aged 14 to 24 years old and people with disabilities is the aim of this thesis. The interactive governance approach, proposed by Kooiman (2003.2008) was the mainstay of the epistemological construction of the investigative process, also supported by contributions from Draibe (2001) concerning the stages of implementation of public policies. In methodological terms, the approach used was qualitative, being performed descriptive bibliographical and documentary research, applying semi-structured interviews with 44 subjects. Data were based on Bardin (2011), having been pre-established two categories of analysis: governance and implementation. The results pointed, among other things, to greater diversity and dynamics of the arrangement in Fortaleza, highlighting the much larger number of accessions of Nonprofit Entities (ESFLs) to politics, more frequent interactions between stakeholders from different organizational levels of governance, better alignment between guiding governance images and spaces designed to encourage interactions among actors and also greater local government involvement. In both cities studied, on the other hand, the study indicated that the failure of institutional capacities adversely affect the interactions stimulation and the exercise of meta-governance. The thesis concluded that the shape and intensity of the interactions between the actors involved in the implementation of the National Public Policy of Professional Learning and the way images are shared results in greater understanding and dissemination of the policy and create a favorable environment for cooperation and dialogue needed to collective work and favors the modeling of a governance structure able to handle the demands and characteristics of organizations and their participants in order to accommodate the divergent interests, make room for the creation of innovations and convergence of actions to achieve the objectives of the policy. Thus, the results of the Professional Learning Policy in the cities of Natal and Fortaleza, in terms of levels of entering the labor market, can be understood from the differences found in the governance structure of the institutional arrangement used for its implementation.

A reforma psiquiátrica e a política de saúde mental do Rio Grande do Norte: papéis e funções de profissionais e gestores

This study arose from an interest in knowing the reality of mental health care in Rio Grande do Norte (RN) on the advances and challenges in the intersectoral agreements paths and consolidation of the Psychosocial Care Network (RAPS) from the state. Considering problematic and concerns were defined as objectives: Identify the knowledge of managers of Rio Grande do Norte on the National Mental Health Policy (PNSM) in the RN State; Describe the activities developed by health professionals in the individual service offered in the CAPS from RN; Understanding the relationship of managers’ knowledge on national mental health policy in professionals’ practice working in the the CAPS from the countryside. It is a descriptive study with a quantitative and qualitative approach, carried out in 30 CAPS from RN’s countryside, where 183 professionals answered a structured questionnaire with closed questions about the activities they do in individual care; and 19 mental health coordinators of municipalities and the state coordinator of RAPS were interviewed about their knowledge on the Mental Health Policy. Data were collected after approval by the Research Ethics Committee of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte, with the number 508.430 CAAE: 25851913.7.0000.5537 from August through October of 2014 in 26 municipalities with CAPS from the state. Quantitative data were tabulated and analyzed using a descriptive statistics aided by the software Statistical Package for the Social Scienses (SPSS) version 20.0. The qualitative data were prepared in a corpus and analyzed through software Analyse Lexicale par Contexte d’um Ensemble de Segments de Texte (ALCESTE) that allow to perform textual statistical analysis and categorization from their comments, submitted to Bardin content analysis. Five categories were generated approaching the managers’ knowledge, namely: Back to society: leadership and users’ role and autonomy; The gap between policy and practice; Barriers that affect the service; Structuring the Psychosocial Care Network; Multidisciplinary team: attribuitios and activities. The CAPS professionals’ ages ranged from 20 to 58 years, prevailing females, with 76.5% of the total, the majority were social workers (16.8%), psychologists (15.3%), nurses (14.8%) and nursing technicians (14.8%). The results showed precariousness in care associated with physical workload regard to high workload and low wages of the CAPS professionals' and, also, it was possible to observe a large involvement of professionals in care delivery, despite the difficulties encountered in services. It was found little knowledge in managers regarding the National Mental Health Policy having as causes of this reality the poor education and training of these professionals. The responses of professionals working in care reveals strong consistency with what is expected of a psychosocial care service. Points up as a thesis of this study that the psychiatric reform and mental health policy in Rio Grande do Norte is following a structural expansion process, but with precariousness of services from a still unprepared management to act in a psychosocial context.

Fatores que influenciam a predisposição dos usuários em aderir a uma política de segurança da informação

The information constitutes one of the most valuable strategic assets for the organization. However, the organizational environment in which it is inserted is very complex and heterogeneous, making emerging issues relevant to the Governance of information technology (IT) and Information Security. Academic Studies and market surveys indicate that the origin of most accidents with the information assets is the behavior of people organization itself rather than external attacks. Taking as a basis the promotion of a culture of safety among users and ensuring the protection of information in their properties of confidentiality, integrity and availability, organizations must establish its Information Security Policy (PSI). This policy is to formalise the guidelines in relation to the security of corporate information resources, in order to avoid that the asset vulnerabilities are exploited by threats and can bring negative consequences to the business. But, for the PSI being effective, it is required that the user have readiness to accept and follow the procedures and safety standards. In the light of this context, the present study aims to investigate what are the motivators extrinsic and intrinsic that affect the willingness of the user to be in accordance with the organization's security policies. The theoretical framework addresses issues related to IT Governance, Information Security, Theory of deterrence, Motivation and Behavior Pro-social. It was created a theoretical model based on the studies of Herath and Rao (2009) and D'Arcy, Hovav and Galletta (2009) that are based on General Deterrence Theory and propose the following influencing factors in compliance with the Policy: Severity of Punishment, Certainty of Detection, Peer Behaviour, Normative Beliefs, Perceived Effectiveness and Moral Commitment. The research used a quantitative approach, descriptive. The data were collected through a questionnaire with 18 variables with a Likert scale of five points representing the influencing factors proposed by the theory. The sample was composed of 391 students entering the courses from the Center for Applied Social Sciences of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. For the data analysis, were adopted the techniques of Exploratory Factor Analysis, Analysis of Cluster hierarchical and nonhierarchical, Logistic Regression and Multiple Linear Regression. As main results, it is noteworthy that the factor severity of punishment is what contributes the most to the theoretical model and also influences the division of the sample between users more predisposed and less prone. As practical implication, the research model applied allows organizations to provide users less prone and, with them, to carry out actions of awareness and training directed and write Security Policies more effective.

Ativismo Vegano em Natal: uma etnografia de mobilização política, alimentação ética e identidades

This research has vegan groups in the city of Natal-RN as interlocutors, although I also report to other research contexts, such as those located in the cities of Recife (Pernambuco State) and Campina Grande (Paraíba State). Moved by ethical principles based on animal rights, vegans refuse to consume any product with animal origin. To the extent that consumption habits can be considered powerful elements of identification, the relationship between consumption, food, identity, and politics is an important analytical key in the development of this work. As my main theoretical question, I follow the ways by which the vegan discourse (of abolitionist character) takes shape and materializes into actions, demonstrations and political mobilization. Therefore, I aim to present an ethnography of activities performed collectively by these individuals, such as those of a more ludic character (picnics, etc.) as well as those more politically oriented, especially protests and demonstrations in public places.

O nascimento de uma política pública: das articulações à formulação do PRONERA

This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.