710 resultados para heritage places


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Toynbee entendió que la historia es algo que sucede a personas como nosotros y de nuestro mismo mundo. Así toda la historia y todos aquellos restos que hemos recibido del pasado deben ser la base sobre la que reconstruir una relación más honesta entre nosotros, nuestras necesidades y nuestras mejores aspiraciones. Esta es la idea principal sobre la que gira la comprensión global de nuestra responsabilidad en la preservación de nuestra herencia natural y cultural. En cualquier lugar son abandonadas piezas históricas sin uso sin concederles un sentido. Redescubrir el nexo entre diferentes objetos arquitectónicos y poner de manifiesto para la gente común que sentido quieren transmitirnos es una de las más importantes e interesantes pro-puestas para explicar nuestra historia.

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En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

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ESTIRAR LA NORMATIVA. Desde una perspectiva social y dentro de un consenso generalizado, el derecho a disfrutar de una vivienda es indudable, lo que no quiere decir que en términos reales y legales sea efectivo.

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For several decades, research into the mechanisms of genetic recombination proceeded without a complete understanding of its cellular function or its place in DNA metabolism. Many lines of research recently have coalesced to reveal a thorough integration of most aspects of DNA metabolism, including recombination. In bacteria, the primary function of homologous genetic recombination is the repair of stalled or collapsed replication forks. Recombinational DNA repair of replication forks is a surprisingly common process, even under normal growth conditions. The new results feature multiple pathways for repair and the involvement of many enzymatic systems. The long-recognized integration of replication and recombination in the DNA metabolism of bacteriophage T4 has moved into the spotlight with its clear mechanistic precedents. In eukaryotes, a similar integration of replication and recombination is seen in meiotic recombination as well as in the repair of replication forks and double-strand breaks generated by environmental abuse. Basic mechanisms for replication fork repair can now inform continued research into other aspects of recombination. This overview attempts to trace the history of the search for recombination function in bacteria and their bacteriophages, as well as some of the parallel paths taken in eukaryotic recombination research.

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In this paper the model of an Innovative Monitoring Network involving properly connected nodes to develop an Information and Communication Technology (ICT) solution for preventive maintenance of historical centres from early warnings is proposed. It is well known that the protection of historical centres generally goes from a large-scale monitoring to a local one and it could be supported by a unique ICT solution. More in detail, the models of a virtually organized monitoring system could enable the implementation of automated analyses by presenting various alert levels. An adequate ICT solution tool would allow to define a monitoring network for a shared processing of data and results. Thus, a possible retrofit solution could be planned for pilot cases shared among the nodes of the network on the basis of a suitable procedure utilizing a retrofit catalogue. The final objective would consist in providing a model of an innovative tool to identify hazards, damages and possible retrofit solutions for historical centres, assuring an easy early warning support for stakeholders. The action could proactively target the needs and requirements of users, such as decision makers responsible for damage mitigation and safeguarding of cultural heritage assets.

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In this study, a digital CMOS camera was calibrated for use as a non-contact colorimeter for measuring the color of granite artworks. The low chroma values of the granite, which yield similar stimulation of the three color channels of the camera, proved to be the most challenging aspect of the task. The appropriate parameters for converting the device-dependent RGB color space into a device-independent color space were established. For this purpose, the color of a large number of Munsell samples (corresponding to the previously defined color gamut of granite) was measured with a digital camera and with a spectrophotometer (reference instrument). The color data were then compared using the CIELAB color formulae. The best correlations between measurements were obtained when the camera works to 10-bits and the spectrophotometric measures in SCI mode. Finally, the calibrated instrument was used successfully to measure the color of six commercial varieties of Spanish granite.

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Medieval fortified granaries known as “agadirs” are very common in southern Morocco, being catalogued as world cultural heritage by United Nations. These Berber buildings (made of stones and tree trunks) usually located on rocky promontories, constitute historical testimonials related to the origin of Morocco, and, as tourist attractions, have a positive impact on the local economy. The sustainability of these ancient monuments requires geological-risk evaluations of the massif stability under the agadir with the proposal of stabilization measures, and an architectonic analysis with appropriate maintenance of the structural elements. An interdisciplinary study including climate, seismicity, hydrology, geology, geomorphology, geotechnical surveys of the massif, and diagnosis of the degradation of structural elements have been performed on the Amtoudi Agadir, selected as a case study. The main findings from this study are that the prevalent rocks used for construction (coming from the underlying substratum) are good-quality arkosic sandstones; the SW cliffs under the agadir are unstable under water saturation; some masonry walls are too thin and lack interlocking stones and mortar; and failures in the beams (due to flexure, fracture, and exhaustion in the resistance due to insect attacks or plant roots) are common. The basic risk assessment of ancient buildings of cultural heritage and their geologic substratum are needed especially in undeveloped areas with limited capacity to implement durable conservation policies. Therefore, recommendations have been provided to ensure the stability and maintenance of this important archaeological site.

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The implantation of new university degrees within the European Higher Education Area implies the need of innovative methodologies in teaching and learning to improve the skills and competencies of students and to answer the growing needs that society continuously demands to heritage management experts. The present work shows an application of the teaching methodology proposed during the international workshop entitled “I International Planning Preservation Workshop. Learning from Al Andalus”, which included the participation of the University of Alicante and Granada, Università Politecnico di Milano and Hunter College City University of New York; where we tried to dissolve traditional boundaries derived of interuniversity cooperation programs. The main objective of the workshop was to discuss and debate the role of urban Historical Centers within the Global Heritage by the integrated work through multidisciplinary teams and the creation of a permanent international working group between these universities to both teach and research. The methodology of this workshop was very participatory and considered the idea of a new learning process generated by "a journey experience." A trip from global to local (from the big city to the small village) but also a trip from the local (historical) part of a big city to the global dimension of contemporary historical villages identified by the students through a system of exhibition panels in affinity groups, specific projects proposed by lecturers and teachers or the generation of publications in various areas (texts, photographs, videos, etc.). So, the participation of the students in this multidisciplinary meeting has enhanced their capacity for self-criticism in several disciplines and has promoted their ability to perform learning and research strategies in an autonomous way. As a result, it has been established a permanent international work structure for the development of projects of the Historical City. This relationship has generated the publication of several books whose contents have reflected the conclusions developed in the workshop and several teaching proposals shared between those institutions. All these aspects have generated a new way of understanding the teaching process through a journey, in order to study the representative role of university in the historical heritage and to make students (from planning, heritage management, architecture, geography, sociology, history or engineering areas) be compromised on searching strategies for sustainable development in the Contemporary City.

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Cultural heritage sites all over the world are at risk due to aggressive urban expansion, development, wars and general obsolescence. Not all objects are recorded in detail although they may have social and historical significance. For example more emphasis is placed on the recording of castles and palaces than on crofters’ cottages or tenement blocks, although their history can be just as rich. This paper will investigate the historic fabric of Aberdeen through the use of digital scanning, supported by a range of media including old photographs and paintings. Dissemination of social heritage through visualisations will be explored and how this can aid the understanding of space within the city or specific area. Focus will be given to the major statues/monuments within the context of the city centre, exploring their importance in their environment. In addition studying why many have been re-located away from their original site, the reasons why, and how we have perhaps lost some of the social and historical importance of why that monument was first located there. It will be argued that Digital Media could be utilised for much more than re-creation and re-presentation of physical entities. Digital scanning, in association with visualisation tools, is used to capture the essence of both the cultural heritage and the society that created or used the sites in association with visualisation tools and in some way re-enacting the original importance placed upon the monument in its original location, through adoption of BIM Heritage.

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According to the importance of rehabilitation and recovery of Architectural Heritage in the live of people, this paper is aimed to strengthen the traditional methods of stone vaults calculation taking advantage of the technological characteristics of the powerful program ANSYS Workbench. As an example of this, it could find out the possible pathologies that could arise during the construction history of the building. To limit this research, the upper vault of the main chapel of the Santiago parish church in Orihuela -Alicante- is selected as a reference which is a Jeronimo Quijano´s important building work in the XVI century in the Renaissance. Moreover, it is an innovative stone masonry vault that consists of 8 double intercrossed arches with each other and braced by severies. During the seventeenth century there was a lantern in the central cap and it is unknown why it was removed. Its construction could justify the original constructive solution with intercrossed arches that freed the center to create a more enlightened and comfortable presbytery. By similarity with other Quijano’s works, it is considered a small lantern drilling the central spherical cap. It is proposed to carry out a comparative study of it with different architectural solutions from the same period and based on several common parameters such as: a vault of square plant with spherical surround, intercrossed arches, a possible lantern, the dimension of the permitted space, similar states of loads and compact limestone masonry. The three solutions are mainly differentiated by their size and the type of lantern and its comparison lets us know which one is the most resistant and stable. The other two building works maintain some connection with the Quijano's professional scope. It has selected the particular case of the Communion chapel of the Basilica in Elche (a large prismatic lantern with a large cylindrical drum that starts from the own arches and an upper hemispherical dome), for its conservation, its proximity to Orihuela and its implementation during the century XVIII. Finally, a significant Dome Spanish Renaissance complete the selection: a cross vault of the Benavides Chapel of the Saint Francisco Convent in Baeza - Jaén-, designed by Andres of Vandelvira in the sixteenth century (a large hemispherical dome that starts from the own arcs). To simplify the calculation and standardize the work that have to be contrasted, all of them were considered with some similar characteristics: 30 cm constant thickness, the intercrossed arches were specifically analyzed and had identical loads, Young's modulus and Poisson's ratio. Regarding the calculation solutions, in general terms, the compressive stresses predominate, influencing on it the joint collaboration of the filling material on the vault, the vault itself, the thick side walls, the buttresses and the top cover weight . In addition, the three solutions are suitable, being the Orihuela one the safest and the Baeza one the riskiest for its large dimensions. Thus, the idea of intercrossed arches with suitable thickness would allow carry out the heaviest lantern and this would confirm it as a Renaissance architectural typology built in stone.

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Within the overall framework of the renewal process of coastal tourist destinations, cultural heritage has frequently been used as a key argument for the introduction and development of strategies for the diversification and differentiation of the traditional tourist product based on sun and sand. This is the situation of the province of Alicante, identified with the Costa Blanca geotourism brand, where there are important economic issues that could contribute to the renewal of this coastal tourist destination. One of the most significant heritage values of this space consists of a series of medieval fortresses located along the axis of the Vinalopó River, which has acted since prehistoric times as a natural route from within the provincial mainland to the coast. It is precisely the argument of this historical, territorial and landscape content that has been used repeatedly in recent years to develop initiatives aimed at the creation of a tourist product, currently inexistent, based on the route of the castles of Vinalopó. This communication aims to analyse the degree of tourism potential of the fortresses located in the towns of Biar, Banyeres de Mariola, Sax, Villena, Novelda, Elda, Petrer and Elche, which constitute the core of municipalities where these medieval fortresses are located, finally pointing out some proposals for the creation of a heritage tourism product.