538 resultados para Wto
Resumo:
El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar cuáles fueron las características de la política agrícola stricto sensu que favoreció el agronegocio y el desarrollo agropecuario en Brasil en los últimos 30 años. Para entender este proceso, se realiza una breve descripción de los instrumentos de política agrícola adoptados por el Gobierno en ese lapso, en función de la necesidad de adaptarse a las exigencias de la OMC y a las restricciones de la coyuntura. En la primera fase, de 1964 hasta 1985, se consiguió aumentar significativamente la producción agrícola garantizando el abastecimiento interno, que era el gran obstáculo verificado en el período pre-1964. La modernización agrícola fue conseguida con un gran costo social, pero cabe resaltar que esta cuestión no era una preocupación central de los gobiernos militares. En la segunda fase (1985-2001), cuando comienza la redemocratización, la política agrícola también se integra y es consistente con los objetivos macroeconómicos. Se buscaba en esa época disminuir el déficit fiscal y pagar la deuda externa, lo que fue conseguido con los grandes excedentes generados por el agronegocio a pesar de la disminución drástica de los subsidios agrícolas que fue necesario implementar. En el tercer período (2002-presente) se busca conciliar la promoción del agronegocio con la reducción de la pobreza, que era una agenda pendiente de la democratización y que había sido postergada en función de la necesidad de resolver los problemas fiscales e inflacionarios de la década del 80. Una vez resuelto el problema de la inflación, el Estado recupera su capacidad de planificación y comienza a atacar los problemas sociales.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la relación entre gobierno, corporaciones empresarias de la clase dominante y los proyectos MERCOSUR y ALCA en los inicios del gobierno de Kirchner. La hipótesis principal es que los cambios en la inserción regional de Argentina desde 2003 (reconstrucción del MERCOSUR y rechazo al ALCA), tuvieron entre una de sus causas a las acciones de corporaciones como la Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA) y la Sociedad Rural Argentina (SRA). Como afirma Katz (2006) aquella reconfiguración regional, además de estar influenciada por las protestas sociales antineoliberales, también respondió a la demanda de una diferente inserción regional por parte de las clases dominantes locales. Mediante el análisis de la prensa escrita y de documentación de las corporaciones, observaremos los posicionamientos sobre el ALCA y el MERCOUSR, el tipo de intervención del gobierno que reclaman y por qué apoyan o rechazan las negociaciones entre 2003 y 2004, en la reunión de la Ronda Doha de Cancún de la Organización mundial de Comercio (OMC) y en las Minicumbres del ALCA de Miami y Puebla, donde quedaron trabadas las negociaciones del ALCA y se produjo la reorientación del MERCOSUR
Resumo:
El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar cuáles fueron las características de la política agrícola stricto sensu que favoreció el agronegocio y el desarrollo agropecuario en Brasil en los últimos 30 años. Para entender este proceso, se realiza una breve descripción de los instrumentos de política agrícola adoptados por el Gobierno en ese lapso, en función de la necesidad de adaptarse a las exigencias de la OMC y a las restricciones de la coyuntura. En la primera fase, de 1964 hasta 1985, se consiguió aumentar significativamente la producción agrícola garantizando el abastecimiento interno, que era el gran obstáculo verificado en el período pre-1964. La modernización agrícola fue conseguida con un gran costo social, pero cabe resaltar que esta cuestión no era una preocupación central de los gobiernos militares. En la segunda fase (1985-2001), cuando comienza la redemocratización, la política agrícola también se integra y es consistente con los objetivos macroeconómicos. Se buscaba en esa época disminuir el déficit fiscal y pagar la deuda externa, lo que fue conseguido con los grandes excedentes generados por el agronegocio a pesar de la disminución drástica de los subsidios agrícolas que fue necesario implementar. En el tercer período (2002-presente) se busca conciliar la promoción del agronegocio con la reducción de la pobreza, que era una agenda pendiente de la democratización y que había sido postergada en función de la necesidad de resolver los problemas fiscales e inflacionarios de la década del 80. Una vez resuelto el problema de la inflación, el Estado recupera su capacidad de planificación y comienza a atacar los problemas sociales.
Resumo:
More than a third of the World Trade Organization (WTO)-notified services trade agreements (STAs) in effect over January 2008 - August 2015 have involved at least one (South or Southeast) Asian trading partner. Drawing on Baier and Bergstrand's (2004) determinants of preferential trade agreements and using the World Bank's database on the restrictiveness of domestic services regimes (Borchert et.al. 2012), we examine the potential for negotiated regulatory convergence in Asian services markets. Our results suggest that countries within Asia with high levels of pre-existing bilateral merchandise trade and wide differences in services regulatory frameworks are more likely candidates for STA formation. Such results lend support to the hypothesis that the heightened "servicification" of production generates a demand for the lowered service input costs resulting from negotiated market opening.
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A new E15 Think Piece by Ilaria Espa produced under the E15Initiative (E15). Implemented jointly by the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD) and the World Economic Forum, the E15 convenes world-class experts and institutions to generate strategic analysis and recommendations for government, business and civil society geared towards strengthening the global trade system. This paper considers concrete policy options to better regulate the use of export restrictions in relation to extractive industries. It briefly describes recent trends in the use of export restrictions on mineral and energy resources. It gives an account of the main shortcomings in the WTO legal treatment of export restrictions. It accordingly discusses possible avenues for reforming existing WTO disciplines in the interest of secure access to supplies, while still taking into account the need to preserve some policy space for host countries to use such measures as legitimate development tools.
Resumo:
This paper examines the legal feasibility of different design options for implementing a differentiated electricity tax based on renewable energy (RE) certificates aimed at promoting green electricity generation. It discusses the issue of likeness in light of the recent WTO jurisprudence and looks at the possibility of justification of differentiated tax rates under the general exceptions of the GATT. It also scrutinizes the potential legal hurdles for the implementation of different tax design options including the use of certificates for RE tax exemption. It argues that the placing of a quota on the number of foreign RE certificates eligible for tax exemptions would likely affect the volumes of imported green electricity and therefore trigger a violation of GATT rules. At the same time, restrictions on the eligibility of RE certificates might be defended under WTO law if they are based on qualitative criteria, such as the attachment of RE certificates to green electricity flows or to a green electricity label that is equally available to domestic and foreign suppliers of RE electricity.
Resumo:
Estimates show that fossil fuel subsidies average USD 400–600 billion annually worldwide while renewable energy (RE) subsidies amounted to USD 66 billion in 2010 and are predicted to rise to USD 250 billion annually by 2035. Domestic political rationales for energy subsidies include promoting innovation, job creation and economic growth, energy security, and independence. Energy subsidies may also serve social and environmental goals. Whether and to what extent subsidies are effective to achieve these goals or instead lead to market distortions is a matter of much debate and the trade effects of energy subsidies are complex. This paper offers an overview of the types of energy subsidies that are used in the conventional and renewable energy sectors, and their relationship with climate change, in particular greenhouse gas emissions. While the WTO’s Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM) is mostly concerned with harm to competitors, this paper considers the extent to which the Agreement could also discipline subsidies that cause harm to the environment as a global common. Beyond the existing legal framework, this paper surveys a number of alternatives for improving the ability of subsidies disciplines to internalize climate change costs of energy production and consumption. One option is a new multilateral agreement on subsidies or trade remedies (with an appropriate carve-out in the WTO regime to allow for it if such an agreement is concluded outside it). Alternatively, climate change-related subsidies could be included as part of another multilateral regime or as part of regional agreements. A third approach would be to incorporate rules on energy subsidies in sectorial agreements, including a Sustainable Energy Trade Agreement such as has been proposed in other ICTSD studies.
Resumo:
This paper explores the hitherto futile quest for developing disciplines on the trade- and investment-distorting effects of services subsidies. It sheds light on the multiplicity of factors that have weighed on the conduct of negotiations on subsidy disciplines in a services trade context at both the global and preferential levels, and advances a few thoughts on what the future may hold for the adoption of such disciplines. The analysis suggests that it is rather unlikely that WTO Members will any time soon reach a consensus on the matter of subsidy disciplines for services beyond those that currently (and timidly) obtain in the GATS and in many preferential trade agreements. The main reason behind such a conclusion stems from a marked rise in the value of preserving policy space in a trading environment characterized by considerably greater global market contestability than two decades ago.
Resumo:
Who invents medicines for the poor of the world? This question becomes very important where the WTO allows low income countries to be unbound by the TRIPS agreement. This agreement concerns medicines for infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. These diseases cause serious damage to low income countries. Under these circumstances, some scholars wonder if anyone will continue innovative activities related to treating these diseases. This paper sought to answer this question by collecting and analyzing patent data of medicines and vaccines for diseases using the database of the Japan Patent Office. Results indicate that private firms have led in innovation not only for global diseases such as HIV/AIDS but also diseases such as malaria that are spreading exclusively in low income countries. Innovation for the three infectious diseases is diverse among firms, and frequent patent applications by high-performing pharmaceutical firms appear prominent even after R&D expenditure, economies of scale, and economies of scope are taken into account.
Resumo:
東アジア経済は労働集約財輸出を中心とする輸出指向工業化によって経済発展を遂げた。その輸出指向工業化の成功の本質が、市場の歪みの小ささにあったのか、それとも政府の積極的な輸出促進政策にあったのか、という点については長く議論が闘わされてきたものの、世界銀行の『東アジアの軌跡』出版以来、後者の論理がより注目されてきた。 現在の低所得国は、その多くがWTOに加盟しており、かつて東アジア経済が採用したような輸出促進政策を採用できないことから、低所得国の製造業品の輸出成長は期待できないという新輸出悲観論が広がっている。その中でバングラデシュやカンボジアは手厚い政府の促進政策なしに、労働集約財の代表である縫製品の輸出を伸ばしている。そこで本稿は、WTO時代にあって手厚い政府介入が行われなかったとしても、低所得国が低賃金を活用して工業化を進める可能性が十分あることを主張する。
Resumo:
Recently, there has been a surge in bilateral and regional trade arrangements between developed and developing countries, which are known as North-South RTAs. Under the current legal system of the WTO, North-South RTAs are governed by Article XXIV of the GATT or Article V of the GATS, which means such RTAs must be reciprocal and must cover substantially all the trade. On the other hand, there is another category of rules on RTAs based on the so-called Enabling Clause, which, in exceptional circumstances, provides special and differential treatment (SDT) for RTAs among developing countries. This paper considers the applicability of the SDT concept to North-South RTAs by examining why rules on RTAs and the concept of SDT were incorporated into the GATT/WTO legal framework so as to permit the derogation of most-favored-nation (MFN) obligations.
Resumo:
1994年に中国電信(China Telecom)の独占状態にあった電気通信業が,中国聯通(China Unicom)の新規参入による独占打破を経て,競争が進むかに思われたが,その後も中国電信による事実上の独占状態が続いた。そのため,この状況を解消すべく,1999年2月に中国電信の事業別4分割を盛り込んだ「中国電気通信業改革案」が策定された。この中国電信の再編案策定過程は,第1に電気通信業の所管官庁である信息産業部ではなく,朱鎔基総理など国務院指導者の影響を強く受けたこと,第2に国務院の指導者の強い影響を受けながら,最終的には信息産業部が自らに有利な再編案を策定したことから,国務院指導者と信息産業部が主要アクターであり,両者の駆け引きがポイントとなる政治過程としての特徴を有する。国務院指導者が中国電信の再編の方向性として事業別独立分割を打ち出したのは,電気通信業改革が単なる業界の問題ではなく,国有企業改革,WTO加盟,国家情報化ネットワーク構想の推進などの外部の圧力にさらされて,中国電信の再編が,社会の圧力や国際的な要求を考慮しなければならなかったから,すなわち電気通信業改革が政治化したからだった。他方,信息産業部にとって中国電信の再編は所管官庁としての権力リソースの維持と大きく関わっており,固定電話事業の分割をも含んだ国務院指導者の意向を覆し,自らに有利な中国電信の事業別独立4分割案を策定することができたのは,電気通信業という専門性の高さを全面に押し出し,国務院指導者らの説得に成功したからであった。本稿では,中国電信の再編案の策定過程を分析し,電気通信業改革の政治化の状況と,信息産業部が国務院指導者との駆け引きを通じて中国電信の事業別4分割を決断するに至る政治過程を明らかにする。
Resumo:
Trade affects the internal location of industry in two ways: it induces firms to specialize and it expands the set of markets that firms serve. If there are industry-specific external economies, firms in related industries will spatially agglomerate (Hanson 1996a). In the context of economic integration, diminished barriers to trade affect industry location particularly in less developed countries. As described below, regional agreements in North America and Europe have caused frontier regions to expand. These regions, which include border regions and port cities, have advantages over internal regions in terms of access to foreign markets. Since trade liberalization induces many firms in developing countries to participate in production networks and to specialize in labor-intensive activities such as assembling and processing of foreign-made components, their inputs as well as final products need to be carried across borders. Therefore, the best industry location, one that minimizes transport costs, is likely to shift to frontier regions. In East Asia, China has developed rapidly since it opened up to international trade. Simultaneously, a large amount of foreign direct investment (FDI) has been attracted and industry agglomerations have been formed in coastal regions, that is, frontier regions linked to the global market by sea, leaving many internal regions behind. Similarly, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam (CLMV) have joined AFTA and/or the WTO and liberalized international trade since the 1990s. Moreover, transport infrastructures such as the East-West Economic Corridor, the Southern Economic Corridor, and the North-South Economic Corridor have been built and narrowed economic distances in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). As a result, frontier regions are likely to increase their location advantages and lure labor-intensive operations from neighboring countries. It is expected that, as has happened in North America and Europe, economic integration in East Asia will significantly affect internal geography in CLMV. In this study, I first review theories relevant to economic integration and industry location within a country. In particular, emphasis is placed on the new economic geography (NEG). Secondly, empirical results for North America and Europe are surveyed since they have preceded East Asia in regional integration and a substantial number of studies have been conducted on these regions. The final section summarizes and discusses implications for internal geography in CLMV.
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Unlike most existing studies, this paper examines the location choices of MNEs in developing countries. Specifically, we investigate the location choices of Japanese MNEs among East Asian developing countries by estimating a four-stage nested logit model at the province level. Noteworthy results of location elements are as follows. As is consistent with the mechanics of cheap labor-seeking FDI, Japanese MNEs are more likely to invest in locations with low income and low tariff rates on products from Japan. Also, accessibility to other locations and/or ports matters in attracting Japanese MNEs because it is crucial in importing materials and exporting their products. In addition, WTO membership and bilateral investment treaties are important because these contribute to the settlement of trade and investment disputes, which is more likely to be necessary in developing countries.
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When Vietnam joined the WTO, it accepted foreign direct investment and started to grow. Technically, it was then greatly influenced by the enterprises that entered the country through direct investment. This report shows that the technology network for machine tools is formed via direct investment and subcontracting.