975 resultados para Transnacional political action
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The importance of interaction between Operations Management (OM) and Human Behavior has been recently re-addressed. This paper introduced the Reasoned Action Theory suggested by Froehle and Roth (2004) to analyze Operational Capabilities exploring the suitability of this model in the context of OM. It also seeks to discuss the behavioral aspects of operational capabilities from the perspective of organizational routines. This theory was operationalized using Fishbein and Ajzen (F/A) behavioral model and a multi-case strategy was employed to analyze the Continuous Improvement (CI) capability. The results posit that the model explains partially the CI behavior in an operational context and some contingency variables might influence the general relations among the variables involved in the F/A model. Thus intention might not be the determinant variable of behavior in this context.
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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.
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A comunicação comemorativa do 1º centenário do nascimento de Gilberto Freyre foi apresentada na Sociedade de Geografia. Procura analisar o conceito de luso-tropicalismo transnacional que Gilberto Freyre tentou vender como um "projecto para os próximos decénios" durante a sua visita a Goa. A análise baseia-se no seu diário da viagem e na conferência que proferiu em Goa no Instituto Vasco da Gama.
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This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.
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A igreja de Goa é uma filha da expansão portuguesa. Nasceu e cresceu no âmbito do Padroado português do Oriente. Essa ligação beneficiou e prejudicou a sua missão espiritual. Desde 1961 a igreja de Goa enfrenta os desafios da democracia. Apesar da demonstração de progresso visível, há muito caminho para percorrer, particularmente no que diz respeito à administração dos bens temporais da igreja e com maior participação leiga nessa área.
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In the past thirty years, a series of plans have been developed by successive Brazilian governments in a continuing effort to maximize the nation's resources for economic and social growth. This planning history has been quantitatively rich but qualitatively poor. The disjunction has stimulated Professor Mello e Souza to address himself to the problem of national planning and to offer some criticisms of Brazilian planning experience. Though political instability has obviously been a factor promoting discontinuity, his criticisms are aimed at the attitudes and strategic concepts which have sought to link planning to national goals and administration. He criticizes the fascination with techniques and plans to the exclusion of proper diagnosis of the socio-political reality, developing instruments to coordinate and carry out objectives, and creating an administrative structure centralized enough to make national decisions and decentralized enough to perform on the basis of those decisions. Thus, fixed, quantified objectives abound while the problem of functioning mechanisms for the coordinated, rational use of resources has been left unattended. Although his interest and criticism are focused on the process and experience of national planning, he recognized variation in the level and results of Brazilian planning. National plans have failed due to faulty conception of the function of planning. Sectorial plans, save in the sector of the petroleum industry under government responsibility, ha e not succeeded in overcoming the problems of formulation and execution thereby repeating old technical errors. Planning for the private sector has a somewhat brighter history due to the use of Grupos Executivos which has enabled the planning process to transcend the formalism and tradition-bound attitudes of the regular bureaucracy. Regional planning offers two relatively successful experiences, Sudene and the strategy of the regionally oriented autarchy. Thus, planning history in Brazil is not entirely black but a certain shade of grey. The major part of the article, however, is devoted to a descriptive analysis of the national planning experience. The plans included in this analysis are: The Works and Equipment Plan (POE); The Health, Food, Transportation and Energy Plan (Salte); The Program of Goals; The Trienal Plan of Economic and Social Development; and the Plan of Governmental Economic Action (Paeg). Using these five plans for his historical experience the author sets out a series of errors of formulation and execution by which he analyzes that experience. With respect to formulation, he speaks of a lack of elaboration of programs and projects, of coordination among diverse goals, and of provision of qualified staff and techniques. He mentions the absence of the definition of resources necessary to the financing of the plan and the inadequate quantification of sectorial and national goals due to the lack of reliable statistical information. Finally, he notes the failure to coordinate the annual budget with the multi-year plans. He sees the problems of execution as beginning in the absence of coordination between the various sectors of the public administration, the failure to develop an operative system of decentralization, the absence of any system of financial and fiscal control over execution, the difficulties imposed by the system of public accounting, and the absence of an adequate program of allocation for the liberation of resources. He ends by pointing to the failure to develop and use an integrated system of political economic tools in a mode compatible with the objective of the plans. The body of the article analyzes national planning experience in Brazil using these lists of errors as rough model of criticism. Several conclusions emerge from this analysis with regard to planning in Brazil and in developing countries, in general. Plans have generally been of little avail in Brazil because of the lack of a continuous, bureaucratized (in the Weberian sense) planning organization set in an instrumentally suitable administrative structure and based on thorough diagnoses of socio-economic conditions and problems. Plans have become the justification for planning. Planning has come to be conceived as a rational method of orienting the process of decisions through the establishment of a precise and quantified relation between means and ends. But this conception has led to a planning history rimmed with frustration, and failure, because of its rigidity in the face of flexible and changing reality. Rather, he suggests a conception of planning which understands it "as a rational process of formulating decisions about the policy, economy, and society whose only demand is that of managing the instrumentarium in a harmonious and integrated form in order to reach explicit, but not quantified ends". He calls this "planning without plans": the establishment of broad-scale tendencies through diagnosis whose implementation is carried out through an adjustable, coherent instrumentarium of political-economic tools. Administration according to a plan of multiple, integrated goals is a sound procedure if the nation's administrative machinery contains the technical development needed to control the multiple variables linked to any situation of socio-economic change. Brazil does not possess this level of refinement and any strategy of planning relevant to its problems must recognize this. The reforms which have been attempted fail to make this recognition as is true of the conception of planning informing the Brazilian experience. Therefore, unworkable plans, ill-diagnosed with little or no supportive instrumentarium or flexibility have been Brazil's legacy. This legacy seems likely to continue until the conception of planning comes to live in the reality of Brazil.
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RESUMO: É longínqua e indiscutível a ligação que se estabelece entre Portugal e os Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa. No entanto, a manutenção dos laços de entreajuda e cooperação, embora desejada e expressamente manifestada por ambas as partes, nem sempre se consubstancia em acções concretas. É neste contexto que se insere o presente trabalho, tendo como objectivo investigar de que modo se materializa a Política de Cooperação entre Portugal e os Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, ao nível do Ensino Superior. Avaliamos concretamente a actuação das Instituições de Ensino Superior Politécnico, junto dos alunos oriundos daqueles países, no domínio da Acção Social e de que modo pode existir uma acção diferenciadora entre Instituições, capaz de captar alunos e de os acolher em melhores condições. Perante as carências e fragilidades encontradas naquela população, concluímos que existe um vasto campo de actuação onde as Instituições de Ensino Superior podem realizar os propósitos enunciados nos Acordos de Cooperação, estabelecidos com aqueles Países. Actuando em prol destes alunos efectivam assim as resoluções enunciadas para a Política de Cooperação Portuguesa em matéria de educação e divulgação da língua e cultura portuguesas, contribuindo ainda, para o desenvolvimento daqueles países. ABSTRACT: It is far and indisputable the link established between Portugal and the African Countries of Portuguese Official Language (PALOP). However, the maintenance of ties of mutual aid and cooperation, though desired and explicitly expressed by both sides, has not always been embodied in concrete actions. It is this context that frames the present work, aiming to investigate how the policy of cooperation between Portugal and the African Countries of Portuguese Official Language is materialized at the Higher Education level. We specifically evaluate the performance of Polytechnic Higher Education Institutions with the students from those countries in the field of social aid and how a differentiator action between institutions can be in place, capable of capturing students and welcoming them in a better way. In face of the needs and weaknesses found in that population, we conclude that there is a vast field of activity where HEI can realize the goals set out in the Cooperation Agreements established with those countries. Acting on behalf of these students they put to practice the resolutions set out for the Portuguese Cooperation Policy in education and dissemination of the Portuguese language and culture, thus contributing to the development of those countries.
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O ativismo transnacional constitui-se como tema ainda incipiente nas ciências sociais. A partir de uma perspectiva antropológica, este trabalho apresenta uma contribuição à compreensão dos processos políticos e culturais globais que caracterizam a contemporaneidade, centrando-se no ativismo transnacional em torno da Floresta Amazônia. A Amazônia é certamente um dos principais símbolos do ambientalismo ocidental. A maioria das ONGs transnacionais que trabalha com este tema tem sede no Reino Unido, apresentando uma atuação destacada nas campanhas do mogno, pela demarcação de terras indígenas, assim como no desenvolvimento do Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), ou Conselho de Manejo Florestal -- um selo verde para produtos florestais. Este artigo analisa as diferentes trajetórias sociais e de militância dos campaigners britânicos, que os conduzem a formas distintas de engajamento com a floresta. Observa-se, então, as tensões na conjugação das dimensões social e ambiental enquanto marcas discursivas independentes das filiações organizacionais. Três principais tendências são reveladas, assim como visões globais e locais conflitantes, com conseqüências para o ambientalismo enquanto um campo de comunicação globalizado, e sobretudo para a Amazônia enquanto espaço sócioambiental.
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Although leadership investigation has become for the last years an election topic with major relevance on organizational studies and accepting peacefully the general idea that organizations are freeland for politics, all these acceptances run against a kind of “fear” from the academy scholars on approaching the political leaderships’ singularities on organizations. Indeed, when we cross over both phenomena we verify that the absence and weaknesses towards the unique characteristics of political leadership on work scenarios are becoming sharped regarding to their predictors, their workers and their organizations, even if we left aside its moderator variables.
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In the context of the Bologna Declaration a change is taking place in the teaching/learning paradigm. From teaching-centered education, which emphasizes the acquisition and transmission of knowledge, we now speak of learning-centered education, which is more demanding for students. This paradigm promotes a continuum of lifelong learning, where the individual needs to be able to handle knowledge, to select what is appropriate for a particular context, to learn permanently and to understand how to learn in new and rapidly changing situations. One attempt to face these challenges has been the experience of ISCAP regarding the teaching/learning of accounting in the course Managerial Simulation. This paper describes the process of teaching, learning and assessment in an action-based learning environment. After a brief general framework that focuses on education objectives, we report the strengths and limitations of this teaching/learning tool. We conclude with some lessons from the implementation of the project.
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No centro desta reflexão teórica situa-se a conjuntura sociopolítica que fez (re)emergir o 1.º ciclo do ensino básico como “problema” de política educativa, ou seja, como terreno prioritário para o Estado, através do Governo, formular e executar um “modelo” de operacionalização da política de “Escola a Tempo Inteiro” (ETI). Analisamos esta política reportando-a a referenciais de representação de um “novo modelo educativo” (dimensão educativa), de um “novo paradigma de escola pública” (dimensão política) e de uma “nova conceção de administração da educação” (dimensão administrativa). O recurso ao quadro heurístico da “análise das políticas públicas” permite pôr em evidência as representações e a ação governativas. At the centre of this theoretical reflection is the socio-political conjuncture that (re)emerged the 1st. cycle of basic education as an education policy “problem”, that is to say, a priority ground to the State, through the Government, create and implement an operational “model” for “full-time school” policy. We analyse this policy by referring to the referential representation of a “new educational model” (educational dimension), a “new paradigm of public school” (political dimension) and a “new conception of educational administration” (administrative dimension). The use of the heuristic framework of “public policy analysis” allows us to highlight the representations and governmental action.
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This article analyses the painted panels of the moliceiro boat, a traditional working boat of the Ria de Aveiro region of Portugal. The article examines how the painted panels have been invented and reinvented over time. The boat and its panels are contextualized both within the changing socio-economic conditions of the Ria de Aveiro region, and the changing socio-political conditions of Portugal throughout the 20th century and until the present day. The article historically analyses the social significance of ‘moliceiro culture’, examining in particular the power relations it expresses and its ambiguous past and present relationships with the political and the economic powers of the Portuguese state. The article unpacks some of the complexity of the relations that have pertained between public and private, local and national, folk culture and ‘art’, and popular and institutional in the Ria de Aveiro region in particular, and Portugal more generally.
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Indian Journal of Gender Studies October 2012 vol. 19 no. 3 437-467
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A intervenção sobre a tuberculose no Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, revela atualmente uma intensificação e alargamento das articulações de pessoas, organizações e instituições envolvidas. Para compreender este processo, recorri ao mapeamento de arenas e mundos sociais. Os mundos sociais definem-se pela partilha de objetivos e de ações, constituindo unidades de ação coletiva. Para atingir os seus objetivos precisam de interagir com outros mundos sociais. Os espaços onde interagem sobre temas de comum interesse, mas sobre os quais têm perspetivas e até objetivos diferentes, denominam-se arenas. O estudo revelou que a arena da tuberculose no Rio de Janeiro se ampliou na última década, aumentando e diversificando os mundos sociais envolvidos, através do “trabalho político” de pessoas e organizações locais, nacionais e internacionais, isto é, através da atribuição de poder a determinadas instâncias com base na valorização ética de objetivos comuns. Este trabalho político tem vindo a implicar a interseção com as arenas do Sistema Único de Saúde e do VIH-Sida. A ampliação da arena da tuberculose redefine a própria doença e as formas de intervir sobre ela. Os apoios socioeconómicos para as/os pacientes, o tratamento de comorbidades, os direitos humanos, bem como outras questões que extravasam a perspetiva biomédica, integram agora as agendas da tuberculose. Neste processo, os intervenientes alargam também as fronteiras da ação na saúde.
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This synopsis summarizes the key chemical and bacteriological characteristics of β-lactams, penicillins, cephalosporins, carbanpenems, monobactams and others. Particular notice is given to first-generation to fifth-generation cephalosporins. This review also summarizes the main resistance mechanism to antibiotics, focusing particular attention to those conferring resistance to broad-spectrum cephalosporins by means of production of emerging cephalosporinases (extended-spectrum β-lactamases and AmpC β-lactamases), target alteration (penicillin-binding proteins from methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus) and membrane transporters that pump β-lactams out of the bacterial cell.