880 resultados para Social movements, Legal mobilization, Guatemalan refugees in Mexico, Mamá Maquín, ICHR
Resumo:
Given that the auditory system is rather well developed at the end of the third trimester of pregnancy, it is likely that couplings between acoustics and motor activity can be integrated as early as at the beginning of postnatal life. The aim of the present mini-review was to summarize and discuss studies on early auditory-motor integration, focusing particularly on upper-limb movements (one of the most crucial means to interact with the environment) in association with auditory stimuli, to develop further understanding of their significance with regard to early infant development. Many studies have investigated the relationship between various infant behaviors (e.g., sucking, visual fixation, head turning) and auditory stimuli, and established that human infants can be observed displaying couplings between action and environmental sensory stimulation already from just after birth, clearly indicating a propensity for intentional behavior. Surprisingly few studies, however, have investigated the associations between upper-limb movements and different auditory stimuli in newborns and young infants, infants born at risk for developmental disorders/delays in particular. Findings from studies of early auditory-motor interaction support that the developing integration of sensory and motor systems is a fundamental part of the process guiding the development of goal-directed action in infancy, of great importance for continued motor, perceptual, and cognitive development. At-risk infants (e.g., those born preterm) may display increasing central auditory processing disorders, negatively affecting early sensorymotor integration, and resulting in long-term consequences on gesturing, language development, and social communication. Consequently, there is a need for more studies on such implications.
Resumo:
Brazil is one of the largest agricultural producers in the world. However, its agrarian composition is based on two markedly different production models, particularly in relation to sustainability: a peasant family agriculture, which plays an important role in food production for domestic consumption and advocates agro-ecological practises; and agribusiness, the politically and economically hegemonic model that produces commodities for export based on monoculture and intensive use of pesticides. Therefore, in order to create the means to develop peasant lands, social movements and peasants have engaged themselves politically and defended an education model grounded in sustainable practises of production and social organisation. Taking this into account, the main purpose of this paper is to analyse and assess the Brazilian experience of integration between education and sustainability, in the National Education Program in Agrarian Reform (PRONERA). To accomplish this aim, a survey with a semi-structured questionnaire was carried out among teachers, students, monitors, and coordinators of the course offered by PRONERA. The surveys showed that the courses are promoting the concepts of sustainability among peasants. However, many adjustments need to be taken into consideration during the planning process for the next courses offered by PRONERA.
Resumo:
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Resumo:
The femicide in Ciudad Juárez is a story made of extreme violence against women for different reasons, by different actors, under different circumstances, and following different behavioural patterns. All within a gender discrimination frame based on the idea that women are inferior, interchangeable and disposable according to the patriarchal hierarchy still present in Mexico, but strongly reinforced by a sort of conspiracy of silence provoked either by the high impunity rate, the governmental incompetence to solve the crimes, or the general indifference of the population. It is the story of hundreds of kidnapped, raped, in many cases tortured, and murdered young women in the border between Mexico and the United States. The murders first came into light in 1993 and up to now young women continue to “disappear” without any hope of bringing the perpetrators to justice, stopping impunity, convicting the assassins, and bringing justice to the families of the deceased girls and women. The main questions about femicide in Ciudad Juárez seem to be: why were they brutally assassinated?, why most of the crimes have not been solved yet?, why and how is Ciudad Juárez different from other border cities with the same characteristics?, which powers are behind those crimes in a city that implies mainly women as its labor force, and which has the lowest unemployment rate in the whole country? But there are also many other questions dealing more with the context, the Juarences’ lifestyles, the eventual hidden powers behind the crimes, the possible murderers’ reasons, the response of the local civil society, or the international community actions to fight against femicide there, among many other things, that are still waiting for an answer and that this paper will ‘narrate’ in order to provide a holistic panorama for the readers. But above all there is the need to remember that every single woman or girl assassinated there had a name, an identity, a family, a story to be told time after time and as many times as necessary, in order to avoid accepting these crimes just as statistics, as cold numbers that might make us forget the human tragedy that has been flagellating the city since 1993. We must remember as well that their deaths express gender oppression, the inequality of the relations between what is male and what is female, a manifestation of domination, terror, social extermination, patriarchal hegemony, social class and impunity. The city is the perfect mirror where all the contradictions of globalization get reflected. It is there where all the globalization evils are present and survive by sucking their women’s blood. It is a city where some concepts such as gender, migration and power are closely related with a negative connotation.
Resumo:
This study explored the health, education, social assets, needs, attitudes, and behaviors of residents of Ferrocarril #4, a small urban community in Tamaulipas, Mexico. A collaborative Participatory Action Research approach was used to emphasize community involvement. Using Triangulation to ensure validity, qualitative methods included key informant in depth interviews, participant observation and participatory discussion groups with women and men. A personal interview with a probability sample of women was done. The median age of interviewees was 37 years. The majority was married or had a partner. Over half of respondents completed grades 6-9. Employed women (25%) earned a median weekly salary equivalent to ∼56 USD. Women with health insurance (67.7%) were covered mainly through Social Security and Seguro Popular. One in 5 reported bad health. Barriers to care were primarily money and transportation. To improve health care, women wanted a full service clinic in or close to the community and affordable health care. Socially, 28% of respondents had no close friends in the community and most did not participate in beneficial community activities. Many women did not socialize with others and help from neighbors was situational. Primary school teachers lacked parental support and it interfered with classroom efforts. Healthy community discussion groups focused on personal and environmental hygiene and safety. Valuable assets exist in the community. To date, collaborative efforts resulted in a school First Aid station, a school nurse visit weekly, posting of emergency contact phone numbers in the school and community center, and development of a student health information form. ^
Resumo:
The investigator conducted an action-oriented investigation of pregnancy and birth among the women of Mesa los Hornos, an urban squatter slum in Mexico City. Three aims guided the project: (1) To obtain information for improving prenatal and maternity service utilization; (2) To examine the utility of rapid ethnographic and epidemiologic assessment methodologies; (3) To cultivate community involvement in health development.^ Viewing service utilization as a culturally-bound decision, the study included a qualitative phase to explore women's cognition of pregnancy and birth, their perceived needs during pregnancy, and their criteria of service acceptability. A probability-based community survey delineated parameters of service utilization and pregnancy health events, and probed reasons for decisions to use medical services, lay midwives, or other sources of prenatal and labor and delivery assistance. Qualitative survey of service providers at relevant clinics, hospitals, and practices contributed information on service availability and access, and on coordination among private, social security, and public assistance health service sectors. The ethnographic approach to exploring the rationale for use or non-use of services provided a necessary complement to conventional barrier-based assessment, to inform planning of culturally appropriate interventions.^ Information collection and interpretation was conducted under the aegis of an advisory committee of community residents and service agency representatives; the residents' committee formulated recommendations for action based on findings, and forwarded the mandate to governmental social and urban development offices. Recommendations were designed to inform and develop community participation in health care decision-making.^ Rapid research methods are powerful tools for achieving community-based empowerment toward investigation and resolution of local health problems. But while ethnography works well in synergy with quantitative assessment approaches to strengthen the validity and richness of short-term field work, the author strongly urges caution in application of Rapid Ethnographic Assessments. An ethnographic sensibility is essential to the research enterprise for the development of an active and cooperative community base, the design and use of quantitative instruments, the appropriate use of qualitative techniques, and the interpretation of culturally-oriented information. However, prescribed and standardized Rapid Ethnographic Assessment techniques are counter-productive if used as research short-cuts before locale- and subject-specific cultural understanding is achieved. ^
Resumo:
The practice of dowry is often thought to be the root cause of the unequal treatment of women in India. For women without inheritance rights, however, dowry may function as their only source of protection. Using a nationwide dataset and exploiting a natural experimental situation, this study explores the effects of dowry on women's empowerment in India, a society where women do not have inheritance rights. In such a society, dowry seems to enhance women's status in the marital household. The effects reverse when women have equal inheritance rights as their brothers. Empirical analysis suggests that the outright ban on dowry that ignores the context may not necessarily benefit women.
Resumo:
Mexico is now one of the countries with better policies on transparency and access to public information, according to various indicators and academics. Just fifteen years ago, Mexico was a country that lacked legal instruments thereon, whereby the institutions were deeply opaque and citizens could not exercise this right of access to public information. The development of the right of access to public information, in both law and public policy, a milestone in the history of Mexico. It has been, therefore gestation, as its formulation and implementation. In Mexico there have existed diverse social movements that have promoted democratization and the defense of human rights. In the framework of these movements the fight registers for the right of access to the public information that one presents as a successful model of civic action and government intervention, without for it, not to know the challenges that his deepening has still and take root both in the company and in the political class in general. How was it achieved to construct a new institutional of transparency that was functional? How was it possible that the above mentioned change was achieved? These are questions that interests formulated to the political science and to the public administration for the analysis of the change and improvement of institutions. The study of the political change is relevant since the public policies precisely try to solve a problem, to transform a reality but not always the change is achieved, is not even realized of successful form. In a nascent democratic regime, it turns out important to know what factors can collaborate in the conformation of a public successful sustainable politics in the time. Even more, on having treated itself about a substantive politics that it gives content and viability itself to the democracy in a marked country historically and culturally for the opaqueness and the corruption...
Resumo:
This is a case study that analyzes photographic documents of the social protest in Spain between 2011 and 2013. The analysis is qualitative and considers the use of space, the visual expression of the messages and the orientation toward the causes or effects of political, economic and social changes. Visual sociology allows us to appreciate, in the case of the Spanish Revolution, a dynamic of “reflexivity” unrecognizable from other research approaches. Two successive waves of social mobilization in response to two different shocks can be appreciated. The first is given by political corruption, unemployment and the threat to consumer society. The second shock is caused by the savage cuts in the Welfare State. Social mobilization is expressed differently in each phase, and the forms taken by the protests show how the class structure in post industrial society shapes the reactions to the crisis of the Welfare State.
Resumo:
The European Union’s social policy perspectives have changed quite dramatically over the last several decades. Now EU’s social policy discourse often promises to “invest in people,” sometimes “to invest in children,” and always to pay particular attention to youth. This paper argues that the tools of historical institutionalism can lead to understanding the ideational roots of this social investment perspective so distant from the “European social model.” Coming out of social movements, and with collective identities shaped both by those movement roots and national experiences, activists have effectively focused their practices on altering the social representations of European social solidarity through their interest group interventions, their participation in policy forums, and their mobilization within civil society at the European and sub-European levels. They have been able to make common cause with several epistemic communities that themselves revamped their ideas in the face of new institutional constraints, in order to advance their interests in promoting particular directions for social policy. The paper documents that “ideas” are not a variable and discourse “sometimes important” but that the ideas carried by movements and in epistemic communities are integral to the very definition of their interests that they promote within and with institutions.
Resumo:
Gender mainstreaming emerged in the mid-1990s as an innovative and controversial policy tool for reducing gender inequalities. The European Union seeks to propagate the practice of gender mainstreaming both within EU institutions and among member states. Feminist scholars and policy elites discuss and debate gender main-streaming widely, but have yet to consider how local feminist activists, who could play a central role in diffusing gender mainstreaming, understand, interpret and respond to this agenda. This paper examines whether and why local feminist movements in two cities in eastern Germany adopt gender mainstreaming. Consideration of the characteristics of the contexts in which local feminist movements are embedded clarifies the conditions under which social movements rally round new policy paradigms.
Resumo:
Addressing the issue of “women’s rights” in Egypt may seem like an easy topic from a purely legal standpoint, but the most enlightening way to do so is to adopt a holistic approach by understanding the political, social, cultural and class effects of this issue. Since 1952, people in Egypt have looked at “women’s rights” as a purely state matter, one characterised mainly by legal reforms. Until 2011, women’s rights were manipulated via a top-down approach by making changes in some policies and laws. Since 2011, with the emergence of the question of social movements, tackling women’s rights has been transformed via the use of certain tools and different perspectives. This is clearly manifested in the vast mobilisation that took place in governorates outside Cairo, which featured the use of artistic tools such as graffiti, story-telling performances, the production of feminist songs, open-microphone sessions, etc., in addition to the extensive use of social media and online campaigning to mainstream feminist ideologies and highlight violations experienced by women. Before 2011, the public space in Egypt was limited to citizens, political groups and civil society for employing legal approaches such as litigations and policy changes by direct pressure on authorities. The 2011 revolution opened the public space to the use of new tools that are not limited to protests and sit-ins, but also new media windows and new political forces who carried the question of certain rights in their agendas as well as the accessibility of different governmental actors. This paper will highlight different topics around women’s rights and gender issues in Egypt after 2011. This paper will review different gender issues after 2011, including the targeting of women in public spaces, women’s representation in decision-making bodies, legal reform, economic and social rights, and sexual and reproductive rights. It will also investigate how the feminist movement has changed and evolved since 2011, and to what degree women's issues and feminism can be analysed in a multidisciplinary way.
Resumo:
The socio-economic system underpinning apartheid in South Africa was based on the exploitation of black workers in the mines, the factories, the fields and the shops. It is widely recognized that the struggles of the South African black working class contributed decisively to the overthrow of the racist regime. In recognition of the power of organised labour, the democratic government elected in 1994 granted South Africa's unions unprecedented legal and constitutional rights. However, despite these gains, the country's labour movement has been facing a fresh set of challenges, from macroeconomic policy to the factory floor, many of them emanating from labour’s political allies in Government. The purpose of this book is to examine how the South African labour movement is responding to these challenges in the new millennium. A variety of experts on South African labour, both within the country and outside deal with crucial issues: How has South Africa's labour movement reacted to the ANC Government's neoliberal economic agenda? How do the unions relate to an increasingly diversifying, “flexible” and vulnerable workforce? What are labour’s prospects of contributing to a left project in democratic South Africa? What are the challenges facing the unions in relation to new forms of militancy and social movements?