To adopt refugee quotas or not: Is that the question? CEPS Commentary, 2 October 2015

One of the most controversial initiatives taken by the EU in response to the recent influx of refugees has been a provisional relocation system, aimed at the distribution of 120,000 asylum-seekers from Greece and Italy to other EU member states. This commentary explores the flaws in the current Dublin system and evaluates whether the new approach will prove more effective and humane.

Europe’s reactive and protective muddling through: the results of a summit in fire fighting mode. EPC Post-Summit Analysis, 19 October 2015

The EU’s October summit was dominated by one issue; the migration and refugee crisis, with EU leaders intent on putting on a public display of unity after weeks of bitter arguments, and concentrating on fire-fighting and immediate measures to tackle the most pressing reasons for, and impacts of, the crisis. Longer-term measures to address some of the root causes of increased migratory flows, support for the integration of newly arrived refugees or the introduction of new channels of legal migration, were not discussed. The Summit also spent little time on two issues that had originally been expected to be a key part of the agenda: the forthcoming British referendum on EU membership, where irritation with the slow pace of talks and British vagueness about its demands were in evidence; and the governance of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), where EU leaders missed another opportunity for a thorough debate about future perspectives on the basis of the ‘Five Presidents’ Report’.

What is happening to the Schengen borders? CEPS Liberty and Security in Europe No. 86, December 2015

What is happening to the Schengen borders? Is Schengen in ‘crisis’? This paper examines the state of play in the Schengen system in light of the developments during 2015. It critically examines the assertion that Schengen is ‘in crisis’ and seeks to set the record straight on what has been happening to the intra-Schengen border-free and common external borders system. The paper argues that Schengen is here to stay and that reports about the reintroduction of internal border checks are exaggerated as they are in full compliance with the EU rule of law model laid down in the Schengen Borders Code and subject to scrutiny by the European Commission. It also examines the legal challenges inherent to police checks within the internal border areas as having an equivalent effect to border checks as well as the newly adopted proposal for a European Border and Coast Guard system. The analysis shows that the most far-reaching challenge to the current and future configurations of EU border policies relates to ensuring that they are in full compliance with fundamental human rights obligations to refugees, effective accountability and independent monitoring of the implementation of EU legal standards. This should be accompanied by a transparent and informed discussion on which ‘Schengen’ and which 'common European Border and Coast Guard Agency' we exactly want within current democratic rule of law and fundamental rights remits.

The Basque Diaspora in Latin America: Euskal Etxeak, Integration, and Tensions. EDAP 1/2016

The establishment of the Basque diaspora in Latin America can be divided in several different periods. First, from the 16th to 18th century, the so-called original diaspora of Basques who were part of the Spanish colonial regime. The second can be traced to the 19th century, consisting of a mixture of impoverished Basque migrants seeking jobs, especially in Uruguay and Argentina, and of refugees fleeing from the Spanish War of Independence and the Carlist wars. The third wave is identified by, but not only through, the considerable amount of refugees from the Spanish Civil War on the 1930's. The fourth wave came during the 1970s, with refugees from the Franco Dictatorship, ETA members and sympathisers. In this paper I will argue that each new wave of migrants brought tension to the diaspora, with the Euskal Etxeak, or ‘Basque houses’, as a focus point. The main idea is to analyse the different tensions and political discussions of this set of diasporic waves in Latin America.

A Crisis for the Ages: The European Union and the migration Crisis. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 15 Special, October 2015

Five months ago most European citizens were unaware of the number of refugees seeking to reach the richest EU Member States like Germany, France, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The first wake up call for Europe was after the Lampedusa tragedy costing the lives of more than 300 refugees on October 3rd, 2013.1 Europeans were shocked, as the world was, to wake up to hear about such tragedy taking place at their doorstep. From 2013 to 2015, the issue of mass-migration from Syria, Eritrea, Somalia and other countries in the region left the front pages of newspapers and the minds of Europeans, but had remained extremely present in the world of experts and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) was calling for actions. The second wake-up call, which marked the beginning of the seriousness of the crisis, was the shipwreck where an estimated 900 migrants died on April 19th, 2015 off the coast of Italy.

The Migration Crisis: A Stress Test for European Values. European Policy Brief No. 38, September 2015

Confronted by the current refugee crisis, most Member States are turning inwards. But migration will continue to rise in the future. Given that migration is an unstoppable trend, the EU has everything to win from turning this crisis into an opportunity for its own citizens and economy, for the refugees and migrants it hosts and for their countries of origin. The manner in which the EU addresses this challenge will truly prove if it can live up to its founding principles of human dignity, solidarity, freedom, democracy and equality. This policy brief summarises European measures taken in the last few months and proposes four key actions to create a well-framed European migration policy: effectively implementing the principle of solidarity and fair-sharing of responsibility between Member States; creating more legal entry and integration channels; addressing the root causes of migration; and broadcasting a constructive and positive narrative on migration.

EU Budgetary Responses to the ‘Refugee Crisis’: Reconfiguring the Funding Landscape. CEPS Paper Liberty and Security in Europe No. 93/May 2016

This paper analyses the EU budgetary responses to the ‘refugee crisis’ in Europe. The European Commission has proposed several changes to the EU budget as well as the establishment of new funding instruments. The paper explores what the announced funding consists of, what role it plays in policy-making and what issues it generates. Throughout these budgetary responses the search for flexibility has been dominant, motivated by the need to respond more swiftly to humanitarian and operational needs. In addition, the paper argues that beyond implementation or management, the role of funding is also symbolic and communicative. In light of limited competences that are difficult to exercise, funding represents a powerful tool enabling the Commission to shape policy-making in times of crisis. At the same time, the dominant search for flexibility also challenges established funding rules and procedures. It has furthermore led to reduced space for democratic scrutiny by the European Parliament. More profoundly, EU funding for cooperation with third countries to prevent the inflow of refugees and asylum seekers has monetised questions over the responsibility for these individuals. As the EU–Turkey agreement shows, this has created a self-imposed dependence on third countries, with the risk of potentially insatiable demands for EU funding. This paper questions the proportionality and rule of law compliance of allocating funding for the implementation of this agreement. Moreover, it proposes that the Commission take steps to practically safeguard the humanitarian aid principles in the management structures of the new funding instruments, and it stresses the need for more scrutiny of the reconfigured funding landscape by the European Parliament and the European Court of Auditors.

Brexit will deepen the fault lines within the EU over mobility. CEPS Commentary, 12 July 2016

Much has been made of the divide that opened up in 2015 between eastern and western member states as a result of acrimonious discussions on how to handle the refugee crisis and distribute asylum applicants across the EU. Against the prevailing political sentiment in certain member state capitals, Germany and France pushed through a plan devised by the European Commission to relocate 120,000 refugees, by a qualified majority vote in the Council. Rather than creating an east/west divide, however, the vote split the group of (relatively) new Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) of the EU into two factions: Romania, Czechia, Slovakia and Hungary voted against the plan, whereas several other CEECs, namely Poland, Bulgaria and the Baltic states, joined the controversial motion on the side of the other (northern, southern and western) member states. Finland abstained. Few member states have shifted their positions in the meantime. If anything, in fact, they have coalesced among the Visegrad 4, following a change of government in Poland; and they have hardened, as a result of new proposals by the Commission to fine member states that refuse to accept refugees. With Hungary’s referendum on the Commission’s relocation scheme scheduled for October 2nd, tensions are set to intensify even further.

(Table T1) Ages of white mica clasts in core samples of ODP Hole 210-1276A

Fifty-seven white mica clasts were separated from five samples taken from near the bases of turbidites ranging in age from early Albian to middle Eocene. Twenty two (39%) of the micas have ages between 260 and 340 Ma and five (9%) have older ages (~400-600 Ma). The former age range is characteristic of the North American Alleghenian orogeny and the Iberian Variscan orogeny. The latter range is characteristic of the North American Acadian orogeny and older basement rocks in the Grand Banks and Newfoundland areas. Both age ranges are present in the middle Eocene sample, but only the younger range occurs in the middle Albian sample. This difference could be a sampling artifact. If this is not the case, then the most likely explanation is that the Acadian-aged micas within the Meguma Zone underlying the Grand Banks were totally reset by Alleghenian reactivation of the zone, a feature which occurs extensively in Nova Scotia. The addition of Acadian-aged micas in the middle Eocene sample may reflect a change in sediment provenance as drainage systems unrelated to rift topography developed. With the exception of one clast dated at 186 Ma, the 12 other micas obtained from the upper Paleocene sample yielded ages between 55 and 74 Ma, with 7 falling within ±2 m.y. of the 57-Ma age of the sample indicated by the biostratigraphic age-depth plot for Site 1276. This, together with the volcaniclastic content of the sample, indicates an input from near-contemporaneous volcanism. The nearest known occurrences of near-contemporaneous late Paleocene volcanism that could have produced white micas are in Greenland and Portugal, some 2000 and 1500 km distant, respectively, from Site 1276 during the Paleocene. However, ages of volcanism in these areas indicate that they could probably not be sources of micas younger than 60 m.y., which suggests some as-yet unknown volcanic source in the North Atlantic area. Accumulation in the Grand Banks area of airborne-transported volcaniclastic material from eruptions of slightly different ages, followed by a single resedimentation event, could account for the spread of dates obtained from the sample. White micas from the lowermost Albian sample show a spread of ages between 37 and 284 Ma that is completely different from the age distribution pattern of the middle Albian and middle Eocene samples. The sample location is between, and at least 25 m above and below, two igneous sills dated at 98 and 105 Ma. The sills have narrow thermal aureoles and ages older than the youngest detrital micas in the sample. It is unlikely, therefore, that the spread of mica ages in the sample is due to partial resetting of ages caused by thermal effects associated with the intrusion of the sills. The resetting may have been associated with a longer lived thermal event.

U.S. immigration policy and the national interest : the final report and recommendations of the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy with supplemental views by commissioners.

"Submitted to the Congress and the President of the United States pursuant to Public Law 95-412."

Asylum : approval rates for selected applicants : fact sheet for the honorable Arlen Specter, United States Senate /

GAO/GGD-87-82FS

U.S. immigration policy and the national interest /

Originally published March 1981 as U.S. immigration policy ... final report and recommendations of the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy.

The Refugee act of 1979 : report to accompany S. 643.

July 23, 1979.

Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1982 : Mr. Rodino, from the Committee on the Judiciary, submitted the following report together with additional and dissenting views (to accompany H.R. 6514) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office).

"September 28, 1982."

Refugee program : financial accountability for refugee resettlement can be improved : report to congressional requesters /

"GAO/NSIAD-89-92"