The tariff: its bearing upon the industries and politics of the United States.

Mode of access: Internet.

The politics of partnership.

Mode of access: Internet.

Democratic ideals and reality; a study in the politics of reconstruction,

Perspective.--Social momentum.---The seaman's point of view.--The rivalry of empires.--The freedom of nations.--The freedom of men.--Postscript.--Appendices.

The field study of place; a practical guide.

Includes bibliography.

Wavering into Capitalism: The Politics of Sustenance in North Korea

In the 1990s, a catastrophic famine engrossed North Korea. The famine not only claimed thousands of innocent lives but also the social, economic and political principles which had governed the nation since its founding. This paper contends that the famine engendered the rise of a rights-consciousness among North Korean working class citizens. In particular, the famine compelled the rise of bottom-up markets among common North Koreans, as the state failed to uphold its end of caloric compact, which then radically shifted the moral frameworks of the people. The nature in which these frameworks shifted is the focus of my paper. Chronicling the market protests which transpired during the late 2000s, this paper unveils the emergence of a novel constellation of power between the private citizen and the state in consequence of the markets engendering a rights-consciousness.

Women and the Moral Politics of Dress in Twentieth Century Tehran

This research examines the politicization of women’s clothing under the Pahlavi monarchy and the Islamic Republican of Iran from the 1930s-1990s. I distinctively focus on the governments’ use of women’s clothing to define their idea of Iranian nationalism and how their sumptuary policies affected women’s lives. I assess the motives behind the sumptuary laws for each regime, and argue that both governments situated women as symbols of national health and honor, and used them as visualizations for the success of their platforms. Despite different interpretations of morality, my research suggests that both governments created these laws to “purify” their “corrupt” nation, using the same rhetoric. Paradoxically, this led to a sexualized culture that exists today in Tehran. I analyze a wealth of primary sources including women’s magazines, political cartoons, poetry, newspapers, extant clothing, photographs, legislation, autobiographies, speeches, passports, Revolutionary-era books written by Iranian intellectuals, and oral interviews that I conducted.

Being, Belonging, and Connecting: Filipino Youths' Narratives of Place(s) and Wellbeing in Hawai'i

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2016-04

Cherbourg's Chinatown: creating an identity of place on an Australian Aboriginal settlement

This is the story of an extraordinary Aboriginal woman, Princy Carlo, and the identity of place she and her descendants fashioned within the confines of the Aboriginal settlement of Cherbourg (formerly Barambah), during the early twentieth century. The patch of Cherbourg that came to be known as 'Chinatown' has to date attracted cursory reference in historical commentary on the south-eastern Queensland Aboriginal settlement. Yet, hidden beneath what may appear as an inconsequential historical detail lies a fascinating illustration of the negotiation of place identity within a frame of triangulated group relations (Aboriginal-Chinese-White) in what remained, in essence, a colonial society. Incorporating primary written sources and oral accounts from descendants the study analyses the forging of the Chinatown identity of place through a process of 'spatial othering', eliciting features unique to this indigenous identity-construct. The study provides an insight into Aboriginal connection and kinship with land following forced removal to a government settlement, and contributes to the historical records of the Cherbourg Aboriginal community and the Eidsvold district in Queensland, Australia. (C) 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Civil-Military Relations in Croatia: Politicisation and Politics of Reform.

This article argues that since 2000 successive Croatian governments have shown themselves increasingly dedicated to reforming civil-military relations. However, their efforts have been hampered by four key obstacles. First, the need to implement defence reforms in the context of an unwieldy set of civil-military relationships, political and institutional rivalries, a lack of civil and military defence expertise and a continuing legacy of politicisation. Second, the need to cut defence spending as a proportion of the overall budget whilst taking on new military roles and improving the capability of the armed forces. Third, the need to balance the demands of the NATO accession process while implementing a balanced and fundamental reform of the armed forces as a whole. Finally, the need to implement root and branch personnel reforms and downsizing in the OSRH while simultaneously recruiting and retaining quality personnel and addressing the wider social issue of unemployment.

Knowledge, economy, technology and society: The politics of discourse

The WSIS is centrally interested in knowledge and has defined for itself a mission that is broadly humanitarian. Its development ‘talk’ is, rightly, replete with notions of equity, preserving culture, justice, human rights and so on. In incorporating such issues into knowledge society and economy discussions, WSIS has adopted a different posture towards knowledge than is seen in dominant discourses. This study analyses the dominant knowledge discourse using a large corpus of knowledge-related policy documents, discourse theory and an interrelational understanding of knowledge. I show that it is important to understand this dominant knowledge discourse because of its capacity to limit thought and action in relation to its central topic, knowledge. The results of this study demonstrate that the dominant knowledge discourse is technocratic, frequently insensitive to the humane mission at the core of the WSIS, and is based on a partial understanding of what knowledge is and how knowledge systems work. Moreover, I show that knowledge is inherently political, that the dominant knowledge discourse is politically oriented towards the concerns of business and technology, but that an emancipatory politics of knowledge is possible.