Tudor ‘reform’ treatises and government policy in sixteenth century Ireland

During the sixteenth century hundreds of treatises, position papers and memoranda were composed on the political state of Ireland and how best to ‘reform’, ‘conquer’ or otherwise incorporate that island into the wider Tudor kingdom. These ‘reform’ treatises attempted to identify and analyse the prevailing political, social, cultural and economic problems found in the Irish polity before positing how government policy could be altered to ameliorate these same problems. Written by a broad array of New English, Old English and Gaelic Irish authors, often serving within Irish officialdom, the military, or the Church of Ireland, these papers were generally circulated amongst senior ministers and political figures throughout the Tudor dominions. As such they were written with the express purpose of influencing the direction of government policy for Ireland. Collectively these documents are one of the most significant body of sources, not just for the study of government activity in the second Tudor kingdom, but indeed for the broader history of sixteenth century Ireland. This thesis offers the first systematic study of these texts. It does so by exploring the content of the hundreds of such works and the ‘reform’ treatise as a type of text, while the interrelationship of these documents with government policy in Tudor Ireland, and their effect thereon, is also explored. In so doing it charts the developments from origin to implementation of the principal strategies employed by Tudor Englishmen to enforce English control over the whole of Ireland. Finally, it clearly demonstrates that the ‘reform’ treatises were both central to government activity in sixteenth century Ireland and to the historical developments which occurred in that time and place.

Micronutrient intakes and the role of nutritional supplements in the diets of Irish adults and pre-school children

To investigate micronutrient intakes and the role of nutritional supplements in the diets of Irish adults aged 18-64 years and pre-school children aged 1-4 years. Analysis is based on data from the National Adult Nutrition Survey (NANS) (n=1274) and the National Pre-School Nutrition Survey (NPNS) (n=500). Food and beverage intakes and nutritional supplement use were recorded using 4-day food records. Nutrients were estimated using WISP© which is based on McCance and Widdowson’s The Composition of Foods, 6thEd and the Irish Food Composition Database. “Meats”, “milk/yoghurt”, “breads”, “fruit/fruit juices” and “breakfast cereals” made important contributions to the intakes of a number of micronutrients. Micronutrient intakes were generally adequate, with the exception of iron (in adult females and 1 year olds) and vitamin D (in all population groups). For iron, zinc, copper and vitamin B6, up to 2% of adults had intakes that exceeded the upper limit (UL). Small proportions of children had intakes of zinc (11%), copper (2%), retinol (4%) and folic acid (5%) exceeding the UL. Nutritional supplements (predominantly multivitamin and/or mineral preparations) were consumed by 28% of adults and 20% of pre-school children. Among users, supplements were effective in reducing the % with inadequate intakes for vitamins A and D (both population groups) and iron (adult females only). Supplement users had a lower prevalence of inadequate intakes for vitamin A and iron compared to non-users. In adults only, users had a lower prevalence of inadequate intakes for magnesium, calcium and zinc, and displayed better compliance with dietary recommendations and lifestyle characteristics compared with non-users. There is poor compliance among women of childbearing age for the recommendation to take a supplement containing 400µg/day of folic acid. These findings are important for the development of nutrition policies and future recommendations for adults and pre-school children in Ireland and the EU.

Irish neo-paganism: worldview, ritual and identity

Neo-paganism is a vibrant, dynamic global movement, which has had a significant cultural impact. Neo-paganism is an umbrella term for a wide range of spiritual practices, often described as nature- or earth-based spirituality. There are different “paths” or spiritual traditions within this movement, of which Druidry, Wicca and other forms of Pagan Witchcraft are included in this research. The present work is an ethnographic study of the worldview and ritual practices of the Irish neo-pagan community. It is an enquiry into (a) what characterises the neo-pagan worldview and (b) how this worldview is expressed through ritual behaviour. In order to collect data, the methodology of participant observation and ethnographic interviewing was employed. The thesis comprises a collection of “insider” accounts of what it is like to be a neo-pagan in Ireland and analysis of these narratives, which gives insight into different aspects of neopagan culture. In the discussion, the use of mythology is examined in regard to how mythic narrative is connected to identity formation. Irish cultural symbols are observed as resources utilised in the construction of the movement’s overall character. The interconnectedness of the natural landscape, the numinous and mythology gives rise to creative expression through various forms of neo-pagan artworks, which are discussed herein. The identifying features and key issues of Irish neo-pagan culture are addressed. These key issues are expressed as prominent themes and symbols of their discourse. Neo-pagan dialogue often features discussion of the relationship that this cultural group has with the Irish landscape, history, and indigenous and popular Irish religion. Some of the specific aspects of neo-pagan culture examined are magical worldview, the notion of holism, different types of ritual practices (festivals, life cycle rituals, healing), and material culture. The thesis presents an in-depth analysis of neopagan cultural expressions and their significance as cultural processes

National food consumption surveys: micronutrient intakes and the role of fortified foods in the diets of Irish pre-school children and adults

This research investigated the micronutrient intakes of Irish pre-school children (1-4 years) and adults (18-64 years) and the role that fortified foods (FFs) play in the diets of these population groups. Dietary intake data were collected as part of the National Pre-school Nutrition Survey (NPNS) (2010-2011) and the National Adult Nutrition Survey (NANS) (2008-2010) using 4-day food and beverage records. Nutrient intakes were estimated using WISP©, which encompasses McCance and Widdowson’s The Composition of Foods and the Irish Food Composition Database. A FF is one in which one or more micronutrients are added. Key dietary sources of micronutrients in NPNS and NANS were “milk”, “meat & meat products”, “breakfast cereals”, “fruit & fruit juices” and “breads”. In general, intakes of most micronutrients were adequate with the exception of iron (1 year old children and adult women) and vitamin D (in all population groups). Small proportions of the pre-school population had intakes which exceeded the upper level (UL) (zinc: 11%, folic acid: 5%, retinol: 4%, copper: 2%). Less than 2% of adults had intakes of iron, copper, zinc and vitamin B6 which exceeded the UL. FFs were consumed by 97% of pre-school children and 82% of adults, representing 17% and 9% of mean daily energy intake respectively. Relative to energy intake, FFs contributed substantially greater proportions to intakes of key micronutrients, such as iron and vitamin D. FFs were effective in reducing the prevalence of inadequate micronutrient intakes in these population groups, particularly for iron in women and 1 year old children. FFs made a significant contribution to folate intake in women of childbearing age (72µg). FFs contributed greater proportions of carbohydrate and lower proportions of fat to the diets of consumers. Voluntary addition of nutrients to foods did not contribute appreciably to intakes exceeding the UL in these population groups.

Victims' rights in Ireland: influences, illusions and impacts

Following international trends victims of crime in Ireland have increasingly become a source of political, policy and to a lesser extent academic concern. Although it is assumed that the Irish victims’ rights movement is having a profound impact on the criminal justice system there are very few studies addressing this assumption or the genesis of the Irish movement. At the time a victims’ rights movement was established in Ireland there were movements already established in the U.S. and Britain. To determine which model Ireland followed, if any, in establishing its movement a comparative analysis of the emergence of the victims’ rights movements in these three common law jurisdictions was undertaken. This research examines possible victim policy transfer to test the transfer route perception that the victims’ movement began in the U.S., was transferred into Britain and then onto Ireland. At the same time that the victims’ rights movements were emerging in the U.S., Britain and Ireland, and asserting pressure on their national governments for beneficial changes for victims of crime, international organisations such as the U.N. and Council of Europe were being pressured by victims’ rights groups into introducing victim centered instruments of guidance and best practice for member states. Eventually the E.U. became involved and enacted a binding instrument in 2001. These victim centered instruments provide legal and service provision rights to Irish victims of crime, but they do not generate much academic interest. This research, in addition to providing a detailed account of the victim centered instruments, analyses the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, and identifies and analyses the primary victim centered statutory modifications and case law in Ireland over the past three decades. Lastly, the current law and practices in Ireland are evaluated against Ireland’s obligations under international and E.U. law.

Thomas Davis's education policies: theory and practice

This thesis explores the education policies of Thomas Davis. On the eve of the Great Famine Ireland was economically impoverished and politically dependent. The Irish people had a subservient mentality, were mainly uneducated and were unaware of their potential. He believed that education would develop a self-reliant, self-sufficient people; it would create a new generation of leaders and citizens necessary to transform Ireland into a prosperous, independent nation. This thesis explores his education philosophy which was political in orientation; he called for reform of university education so that it would educate leaders who were knowledgeable, patriotic and responsible. He formulated a curriculum which consisted of knowledge that would have direct use and application in public life; his curriculum included moral philosophy, oratory, philological studies and history. His contribution to the debate on the Queens Colleges bill, 1845, is explored including his public disagreement with Daniel O’Connell on the principle of multi-denominational education. This work also examines his policies on learning methodologies and teaching methods. It provides details of his thoughts on learning by experience, by observation, book learning and learning in the home. It focuses on the deficiencies evident in the system of teaching and learning that operated in Trinity College Dublin and it provides an analysis of his preferred method of instruction: Lyceum teaching. This thesis also explores his national curriculum in history and Irish culture which was designed to forge a sense of national identity, to win support for repeal and to develop the principle of nationality. He formulated a national curriculum to counteract the absence of national knowledge in the state schools, to provide the people with a positive self-image and ultimately to empower them to reclaim Ireland and to develop it. Davis knew the power of education and he used it as an instrument of political and social change.

The political philosophy of Miki Kiyoshi: A close reading of the philosophical foundations of cooperative communitarianism

The thesis is a historical and philological study of the mature political theory of Miki Kiyoshi (1897-1945) focused on Philosophical Foundations of Cooperative Communitarianism (1939), a full translation of which is included. As the name suggests, it was a methodological and normative communitarianism, which critically built on liberalism, Marxism and Confucianism to realise a regional political community. Some of Miki’s Western readers have wrongly considered him a fascist ideologue, while he has been considered a humanist Marxist in Japan. A closer reading cannot support either view. The thesis argues that the Anglophone study of Japanese philosophy is a degenerating research programme ripe for revolution in the sense of returning full circle to an original point. That means returning to the texts, reading them contextually and philologically, in principle as early modern European political theory is read by intellectual historians, such as the representatives of Cambridge School history of political thought. The resulting reading builds critically on the Japanese scholarship and relates it to contemporary Western and postcolonial political theory and the East Asian tradition, particularly neo-Confucianism. The thesis argues for a Cambridge School perspective radicalised by the critical addendum of geo-cultural context, supplemented by Geertzian intercultural hermeneutics and a Saidian ‘return to philology’. As against those who have seen radical reorientations in Miki’s political thought, the thesis finds gradual progression and continuity between his neo-Kantian, existentialist, Marxian anthropology, Hegelian and finally communitarian phases. The theoretical underpinnings are his philosophical anthropology, a structurationist social theory of praxis, and a critique of liberalism, Marxism, nationalism and idealism emphasising concrete as opposed to abstract theory and the need to build on existing cultural traditions to modernise rather than westernise East Asia. This post-Western fusion was imagined to be the beginning of a true and pluralistic universalism.

Response to the review of the white paper on Irish aid. The urbanisation of poverty: drawing on the skills and techniques of spatial planning to support the aid programme

Submission on behalf of UCC to the Government Consultation on the White paper on Irish Aid

Learning from minority: Exploring Irish Protestant experience

This paper, based on a narrative research inquiry, presents and explores a number of stories relating to the experience and identity of members of the small Irish Protestant minority. Drawing on these stories it uses Foucault’s conceptualisation of power and discourse to consider community, social withdrawal, and two different but linked expressions of silence as acts of resistance. These were simultaneously utilised to preserve a culture and ethos diametrically opposed to the religious and political hegemony of the Irish Catholic state and to combat the threat of extinction. The article concludes that an exploration of Ireland’s traditional religious minority not only raises awareness concerning a specific group’s experience but extends an understanding of the issues with which minorities (in more general terms) may have to cope in order to survive.

Politicians, elections and catastrophe: the general election of 1847

Over the last decade, much new research has appeared on the subject of the Great Irish Famine but, remarkably, a major political event during the famine - the 1847 general election - has received virtually no mention. Recent work on politics in this period has tended to concentrate on political reaction in Britain rather than Ireland. The aim of this article is to examine the response of Irish politicians to the famine during the general election of 1847. The main source has been the political addresses and nomination speeches of most of the 140 candidates. The evidence from this material shows that, although the famine was an important matter in many constituencies, it was not the dominant issue countrywide. Various proposals to deal with the famine emerged, but there was an absence of agreed, practical measures to deal with immediate problems. The parties in Ireland failed to create a common platform to challenge the government over its efforts. Ideological constraints played an important part in these failures. The general election of 1847 represents a lost opportunity to tackle some of the effects of the famine.

Between the devil and the deep blue sea: Nationality, power and symbolic trade-offs among evangelical Protestants in contemporary Northern Ireland

National identity is symbolically complex configuration, with shifts of emphasis and reprioritisations of content negotiated in contexts of power. This paper shows how they occur in one post-conflict situation - Northern Ireland - among some of the most extreme of national actors - evangelical Protestants. In-depth interviews reveal quite radical shifts in the content of their British identity and in their understanding of and relation to the Irish state, with implications for their future politics. The implications for understanding ethno-religious nationalism, nationality shifts and the future of Northern Ireland are drawn out.

'Ideological content and institutional frameworks: Unionist identities in Northern Ireland and Scotland'

This article examines the complex interactions between British national identity and the territorial identities of Northern Ireland and Scotland. We argue that the current literature on national identities in Britain misunderstands the nature of British identities in Northern Ireland and Scotland. Indeed, much of this literature wrongly defines Unionists in both of these areas. By examining the content of British national identity, a comparison of Scotland and Northern Ireland reveals that Unionism finds political significance through an ideological project committed to the Union. However, we also have to account for the differences in the Unionist ideology of Scotland and Northern Ireland. We argue that the institutional framework in which these identities and ideologies are exercised explains this variation. Overall, we argue that the debate on nationalism in the United Kingdom has not adequately shown how the integrative functions of British national identity can co-exist with the separatist nature of territorial national identity.