Impact of the 1980 election on ideological liberal organizations

Throughout this section, I sought to establish a nexus between interest group theory and empirical observations. This in turn, would provide the framework from which I would set forth a series of hypotheses concerning the impact of the deviating 1980 elections on ideological liberal organizations. What I found in fact, was not just a link but a near perfect correlation between theory and practice, each reinforcing the other and pointing to the same ineluctable conclusion: The upshot of the Reagan/New Right landslide of 1980 was a dramatic renaissance of American liberalism. A renaissance so pervasive that ideological liberal organizations stand to benefit tremendously in terms of sustaining membership and raising funds. Moreover, it promises to facilitate the formation of liberal lobbying coalitions and enhance their capacity to cultivate grass roots support.

Soft money : private foundations of party politics

In the area of campaign financing in federal elections, one of the most controversial issues is that of soft money. Soft money refers to those funds raised by the national party organizations for use on various grassroots and party-building activities. but which are not subject to the restraints of federal campaign finance law. Critics contend that these party-building activitie, such as generic television advertising, voter registration and get-out-the vote drives, provide ancillary benefits to federal candidates and should, therefore, be subject to federal contribution and expenditure limits. Critics further argue that because these funds are not subject to federal law and do benefit federal candidates, the national parties raise monies in amounts and from sources, such as corporations and unions, that are prohibited under federal law. Efforts to gain a better understanding of soft money have been hampered by a lack of data, as the national parties were not required to disclose their soft money receipts and transactions until 1991. The purpose of this study is to analyze data recently made available in an attempt to add the import of empirical evidence to the debate over soft money. The nature, size and timing of soft money contributions are investigated and national party soft money disbursements are examined. The findings suggest that any attempts to reform the soft money system must first consider its compensatory benefits. Most prominently, this includes the extent to which soft money has promoted the resurgence of the national party organizations in the context of election politics.

From the President: On the Liberal Arts and the Lesson of Steve Jobs

Colby President Bro Adams on Steve Jobs and the liberal arts.

Bases para la formulación de una política de fomento a la pequena y mediana empresa industrial en Paraguay

Tem sido significativa a importância da Pequenas e Médias Empresas (PME) nos últimos anos na porcentagem de criação de novos postos de trabalho, na exportação, na inovação e no enorme potencial de distribuição da riqueza nos países. Este trabalho de pesquisa se baseia no estado da arte na formulação de políticas para pequenas e médias empresas, explorando as melhores práticas no âmbito internacional, propondo uma base de política de apoio ás PMEs no Paraguai. Para atingir esse objetivo são trabalhados no referencial teórico o conceito de PMEs, suas vantagens e desvantagens, uma discussão ética sobre o assunto, assim como a definição de Política Industrial e o esquema de apoio a elas no Brasil e no Paraguai.

Analysis of two-party salary negotiations: factos impeding a mutually-beneficial joint agreement

Business professionals were surveyed to explore both factors associated with negotiation propensity, as well as the strategies used by employees and employers in salary negotiations. The objective is to examine the factors that impede both pasties in reaching a mutually-beneficial joint agreement in salary negotiations. In order to achieve this objective, a review of the negotiations literature was conducted including both. Descriptive literature - present research finding and scientific theory which characterizes negotiation and examines the forces that determine it's course and outcome - as well as a review of the prescriptive literature - in order to develop practical advice given a description of hw negotiators behave. Research result show that, although there is general tendency for employers to leave room in the first offer for negotiation, employees rarely ask for more and generally accept the first offer. The sub-optimal outcome was partially a result of the employees' preferred strategies for negotiation salary: a soft approach focusing on compromised and maintaining the relationship. An analysis of the results combined with the literature explore, demonstrates that both parties exhibited a fixed-pie perspective, focusing on salary as the key issue, which impeded the search for integrative settlements and, mutually beneficial trade-offs.

"Os bárbaros estão chegando": o processo de democratização do governo Richa no Paraná

O presente trabalho de pesquisa acadêmica abrange a análise da conjuntura política do processo de transição democrática no Brasil e no Paraná, ocorrida no final da década de 1970 e inícios dos anos 80. No capítulo introdutório examino os elementos teórico-metodológicos, que são as categorias de análise que utilizo no estudo da situação concreta brasileira, como contexto amplo, e da conjuntura das eleiçôes de 1982 e do governo de José Richa no Paraná. Era necessário examinar a concepçâo "ampliada" de Estado, o conceito de estrutura e de superestrutura do bloco histórico e a concepção da vertente da democracia liberal e da vertente da democracia popular, no enfoque da literatura do materialismo histórico-dialético, de autores clássicos e modernos. No segundo capítulo examino o projeto de transição democrática dos generais presidentes Geisel e Figueiredo: um plano dos militares e das elites brasileiras para salvar as elites no poder, na travessia pelo alto. O projeto não ia além da legitimação do regime e do modelo econômico pela passagem do governo militar aos civis, por um processo eleitoral duvidoso. No Paraná, objetivo principal da pesquisa, examino o projeto liberal do governo do PMDB de Richa, desde a organizaçâo partidária, a elaboraçâo das diretrizes de governo, a campanha eleitoral, a participaçâo de intelectuais de ponta na campanha, as alianças do PMDB com os setores populares da sociedade até a composição e a "direitização" do governo. "OS BÁRBAROS ESTÃO CHEGANDO", título principal da dissertação, era a denominação que a aristocracia (elite) curitibana atribuiu a José Richa, quando o mesmo ganhou as eleições ao governo do Paraná, pelo fato de ser do interior do Estado e não fazer parte do mundo civilizado da Curitiba cosmopolita. No terceiro capítulo examino a questão da democratização da escola pública do Estado pela instituição das eleições para diretor e vice-diretor da escola, pelos professores, servidores, alunos e pais de alunos. Digo que a democracia vai além do decreto governamental que estabelece as eleições. Digo ainda que o discurso na prática é outro, no caso do governo Richa e da educação. A questão básica da pesquisa é trabalhar a idéia de que a educação é um campo de disputas e confrontos de classes pela hegemonia do poder, em que a classe dominante luta para manter-se no poder como classe dirigente e as classes subalternas ora se mantém aliadas e como classes auxiliares à classe dominante, ora consentem e raras vezes rebelam-se contra a dominaçâo da classe dirigente.

A proteção dos vulneráveis no direito internacional privado brasileiro

As relações de consumo, da mesma forma como relações privadas em geral, têm assumido caráter internacional. O crescente fenômeno acarreta, contudo, o incremento de vulnerabilidade do consumidor, a qual, em nível nacional, já exige que o direito restabeleça o desequilíbrio intrínseco à relação de consumo. Em nível internacional, assim, esses desafios aumentam, especialmente porque as normas conflituais clássicas foram construídas a partir da sociedade liberal moderna, que buscava basicamente a manutenção da igualdade formal entre os indivíduos, sem preocupações de cunho material. No Direito Internacional Privado Brasileiro essa situação se repete. Busca o presente trabalho, portanto, construir propostas para o Direito Internacional Privado Brasileiro de defesa do consumidor. Na primeira parte do trabalho, então, são analisadas as causas da vulnerabilidade na relação internacional de consumo, constatando-se estar no liberalismo jurídico e suas conseqüências na disciplina, bem como o duplo papel do princípio da autonomia da vontade. Por um lado, a autonomia permite o reconhecimento do indivíduo no plano internacional, mas por outro demonstra a insuficiência do modelo conflitual clássico. Diante da crise do modelo liberal moderno, discutem-se, na segunda parte do trabalho, os remédios para superar a vulnerabilidade na relação internacional de consumo. Analisa-se a informação enquanto forma de mitigar a vulnerabilidade do consumidor. Abordam-se, ainda, as formas de se encontrar a lei mais favorável ao consumidor. Nas conclusões, enfim, constrói-se uma sugestão de redação para a lei brasileira de proteção internacional do consumidor.

Too difficult to manage, too big to ignore: party choice in multiparty presidential systems

In consensual (proportional) highly fragmented multiparty settings, political parties have two historical choices to make or pathways to follow: i) playing a majoritarian role by offering credible candidates to the head of the executive; or ii) playing the median legislator game. Each of those choices will have important consequences not only for the party system but also for the government. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role played by median legislator parties on coalition management strategies of presidents in a comparative perspective. We analyze in depth the Brazilian case where the Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB) has basically functioned as the median legislator party in Congress by avoiding the approval of extreme policies, both on the left and on the right. Based on an expert survey in Latin America, we built an index of Pmdbismo and identified that there is a positive correlation between partisan fragmentation and median legislator parties. In addition, we investigate the effect of having a median legislator party in the governing coalition. We found that it is cheaper and less difficult for the government to manage the coalition having the median legislative party on board.

The revenge of the market on the rentiers why neo-liberal reports of the end of history turned out to be premature

Starting from the perspective of heterodox Keynesian-Minskyian-Kindlebergian financial economics, this paper begins by highlighting a number of mechanisms that contributed to the current financial crisis. These include excess liquidity, income polarisation, conflicts between financial and productive capital, lack of intelligent regulation, asymmetric information, principal-agent dilemmas and bounded rationalities. However, the paper then proceeds to argue that perhaps more than ever the ‘macroeconomics’ that led to this crisis only makes analytical sense if examined within the framework of the political settlements and distributional outcomes in which it had operated. Taking the perspective of critical social theories the paper concludes that, ultimately, the current financial crisis is the outcome of something much more systemic, namely an attempt to use neo-liberalism (or, in US terms, neo-conservatism) as a new technology of power to help transform capitalism into a rentiers’ delight. And in particular, into a system without much ‘compulsion’ on big business; i.e., one that imposes only minimal pressures on big agents to engage in competitive struggles in the real economy (while inflicting exactly the opposite fate on workers and small firms). A key component in the effectiveness of this new technology of power was its ability to transform the state into a major facilitator of the ever-increasing rent-seeking practices of oligopolistic capital. The architects of this experiment include some capitalist groups (in particular rentiers from the financial sector as well as capitalists from the ‘mature’ and most polluting industries of the preceding techno-economic paradigm), some political groups, as well as intellectual networks with their allies – including most economists and the ‘new’ left. Although rentiers did succeed in their attempt to get rid of practically all fetters on their greed, in the end the crisis materialised when ‘markets’ took their inevitable revenge on the rentiers by calling their (blatant) bluff.

Why has productivity growth stagnated in most Latin American countries since the neo-liberal reforms?

Latin America’s economic performance since the beginning of neo-liberal reforms has been poor; this not only contrasts with its own performance pre-1980, but also with what has happened in Asia since 1980. I shall argue that the weakness of the region’s new paradigm is rooted as much in its intrinsic flaws as in the particular way it has been implemented. Latin America’s economic reforms were undertaken primarily as a result of the perceived economic weaknesses of the region — i.e., there was an attitude of ‘throwing in the towel’ vis-à-vis the previous state-led import substituting industrialisation strategy, because most politicians and economists interpreted the 1982 debt crisis as conclusive evidence that it had led the region into a cul-de-sac. As Hirschman has argued, policymaking has a strong component of ‘path-dependency’; as a result, people often stick with policies after they have achieved their aims, and those policies have become counterproductive. This leads to such frustration and disappointment with existing policies and institutions that is not uncommon to experience a ‘rebound effect’. An extreme example of this phenomenon is post-1982 Latin America, where the core of the discourse of the economic reforms that followed ended up simply emphasising the need to reverse as many aspects of the previous development (and political) strategies as possible. This helps to explain the peculiar set of priorities, the rigidity and the messianic attitude with which the reforms were implemented in Latin America, as well as their poor outcome. Something very different happened in Asia, where economic reforms were often intended (rightly or wrongly) as a more targeted and pragmatic mechanism to overcome specific economic and financial constraints. Instead of implementing reforms as a mechanism to reverse existing industrialisation strategies, in Asia they were put into practice in order to continue and strengthen ambitious processes of industrialisation.