La respuesta liberal de Edmund Burke a la crisis de legitimidad política del siglo XVIII

Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the last three hundred years. We could not agree more with this assertion of Jesse Norman. Very few political-statesmen have attainted the enormous repercussion both in politics and in history that Burke had deployed over the last centuries. Nevertheless, Burke remains unfairly unknown for a wider public. And what it is more, the vast majority tend to think of him as a conservative, if not a liberal-conservative. A prior precision has to be made before continuing regarding the term liberal for the sake of accuracy. Burke was a prominent Whig, what in Spanish language we describe as a liberal, in the sense that both Hayek and Milton Friedman uttered, far from the meaning “kidnapped” of the word liberal by the Anglo-Saxon left. The object of this thesis is to investigate the non-solved controversy on Burke`s figure and the liberal answer he provided with to the political crisis of legitimacy of the 18th century. There is an existing shared opinion by the academia that prior to the Reflections on the Revolution of France, his masterpiece, he was an outstanding and prominent Whig. Champion of liberty, justice and good governance, guardian of liberal virtues and the authentic developer of the efficient policy put in place by the Marquis of Rockingham in order to curb the corruption and influence emanating from the court of George the Third and his double cabinet.

Do trabalho de Deus... Adeus ao trabalho? Ontologia, precarização, controle do trabalho e fetichismo em A caverna de José Saramago

The aim of this study is to undertake a theoretical analysis of the literary and sociological Cave, Jose Saramago, having as main theme the precariousness of work and control, followed by some key developments. Anchored in the sociology of work and endorsed by the sociology of literature methodologically by Antonio Candido, and guided by the narrative Saramago in the cave, seeking to understand the work activity as central and essential to the production and reproduction of material life. It discusses the precariousness of work, as well as the historical forms of ownership and control of labor activity. Scales the impact of large corporations that control and the conflict between mechanized and manual labor in the process, questioning the nefarious effects of the restructuring of the productive working class, especially on small businesses and craft work. It also addresses the rise of a category gestorial in the process of labor control throughout history Finally, invoking the metaphor of Plato\'s cave in this work Saramago, explores how labor control by large corporations causes the estrangement in all dimensions of life, establishing relationships between fetishism, consumer relations and sociability.

Electoral Volatility, Political Sophistication, Trust and Efficacy

In this article we investigate voter volatility and analyze the causes and motives of switching vote intentions. We test two main sets of variables linked to volatility in literature; political sophistication and ‘political (dis)satisfaction’. Results show that voters with low levels of political efficacy tend to switch more often, both within a campaign and between elections. In the analysis we differentiate between campaign volatility and inter-election volatility and by doing so show that the dynamics of a campaign have a profound impact on volatility. The campaign period is when the lowly sophisticated switch their vote intention. Those with higher levels of interest in politics have switched their intention before the campaign has started. The data for this analysis are from the three wave PartiRep Belgian Election Study (2009).

Radiocarbon dating, oxygen isotopes, and sea-level reconstruction of sediment core GeoB5844-2 from the northern end of the Red Sea

Based on a radiocarbon and paleomagnetically dated sediment record from the northern Red Sea and the exceptional sensitivity of the regional changes in the oxygen isotope composition of sea water to the sea-level-dependent water exchange with the Indian Ocean, we provide a new global sea-level reconstruction spanning the last glacial period. The sea-level record has been extracted from the temperature-corrected benthic stable oxygen isotopes using coral-based sea-level data as constraints for the sea-level/oxygen isotope relationship. Although, the general features of this millennial-scale sea-level records have strong similarities to the rather symmetric and gradual Southern Hemisphere climate patterns, we observe, in constrast to previous findings, pronounced sea level rises of up to 25 m to generally correspond with Northern Hemisphere warmings as recorded in Greenland ice-core interstadial intervals whereas sea-level lowstands mostly occur during cold phases. Corroborated by CLIMBER-2 model results, the close connection of millennial-scale sea-level changes to Northern Hemisphere temperature variations indicates a primary climatic control on the mass balance of the major Northern Hemisphere ice sheets and does not require a considerable Antarctic contribution.

Publicidad subliminal en campañas electorales: entre el mito y la realidad

El interés por la publicidad subliminal ha ocupado un lugar destacado en las últimas décadas en el seno de distintas disciplinas científicas, si bien no termina de haber un consenso acerca de su verdadero poder. Sin embargo, en el campo de la Comunicación Política apenas se encuentran referencias a esta práctica por más que se vengan reportando en los medios desde hace años supuestos casos de anuncios subliminales en campañas electorales. En el presente artículo se propone una aproximación al uso de lo subliminal en la política, para intentar dilucidar si nos encontramos tan sólo ante un mito, como se ha dicho tantas veces al hablar de esta técnica, o por el contrario ante una realidad.

Le “brigand lusitanien” reconsidéré. Analyse du problème de la terre chez Appien

L’étude du “brigandage lusitanien” a donné lieu à une importante activité de recherche depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. Pour autant, et malgré une inflexion progressive de l’historiographie moderne vers une approche plus nuancée de l’origine du phénomène, le problème de la terre reste encore aujourd’hui au centre des préoccupations de nombre d’historiens et archéologiques. À partir d’une discussion serrée des principaux passages de Tite-Live, Diodore et surtout Appien, relatifs à la relation que d’aucuns ont voulu établir entre manque et/ou pauvreté de la terre et développement du brigandage chez les Lusitaniens, il est proposé une critique de l’interprétation socio-économique.

Leave it to the Amateurs: A Career Development Explanation of Political Inexperience among Members of the Canadian Parliament:MA Thesis

In many advanced democracies, political scientists have lamented the rise of professional politicians as a challenge to the effective representation of diverse electorates. In contrast, their relative absence from Canadian federal politics gives rise to concerns over high levels of political amateurism among Canadian MPs. This study, thus, seeks to account for the numerical weakness of individuals with an occupational background in politics in the Canadian Parliament. It utilizes both individual-level quantitative data on MPs serving between the 35th and 41st Parliaments, inclusive, as well as material from qualitative interviews with over seventy former MPs. Conceptualizing the field of politics as a career in itself, and drawing on career development theory, the study finds that at the key stages of establishing, maintaining, and disengaging from a federal political career, there are specific challenges that are not significantly ameliorated by the possession of professional experience in politics itself. Professional politicians, therefore, have no major advantage over those with non-political occupational backgrounds in their career development. Furthermore, by acknowledging the existence of different types of professional politician, it finds that those whose primary occupational background was in politics itself to be in a distinct minority, but the extent of political amateurism is challenged by a much larger minority of MPs whose primary occupation was non-political but who still possess some secondary or electoral experience prior to entering Parliament.

Can the European Union build a bridge over troubled waters? An analysis of the politicised and depoliticised legal approach between the European Union and Cyprus

The Cyprus dispute accurately portrays the evolution of the conflict from ‘warfare to lawfare’ enriched in politics; this research has proven that the Cyprus problem has been and will continue to be one of the most judicialised disputes across the globe. Notwithstanding the ‘normalisation’ of affairs between the two ethno-religious groups on the island since the division in 1974, the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) European Union (EU) membership in 2004 failed to catalyse reunification and terminate the legal, political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. So the question is; why is it that the powerful legal order of the EU continuously fails to tame the tiny troublesome island of Cyprus? This is a thesis on the interrelationship of the EU legal order and the Cyprus problem. A literal and depoliticised interpretation of EU law has been maintained throughout the EU’s dealings with Cyprus, hence, pre-accession and post-accession. The research has brought to light that this literal interpretation of EU law vis-à-vis Cyprus has in actual fact deepened the division on the island. Pessimists outnumber optimists so far as resolving this problem is concerned, and rightly so if you look back over the last forty years of failed attempts to do just that, a diplomatic combat zone scattered with the bones of numerous mediators. This thesis will discuss how the decisions of the EU institutions, its Member States and specifically of the European Court of Justice, despite conforming to the EU legal order, have managed to disregard the principle of equality on the divided island and thus prevent the promised upgrade of the status of the Turkish Cypriot community since 2004. Indeed, whether a positive or negative reading of the Union’s position towards the Cyprus problem is adopted, the case remains valid for an organisation based on the rule of law to maintain legitimacy, democracy, clarity and equality to the decisions of its institutions. Overall, the aim of this research is to establish a link between the lack of success of the Union to build a bridge over troubled waters and the right of self-determination of the Turkish Cypriot community. The only way left for the EU to help resolve the Cyprus problem is to aim to broker a deal between the two Cypriot communities which will permit the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or at least the ‘Taiwanisation’ of Northern Cyprus. Albeit, there are many studies that address the impact of the EU on the conflict or the RoC, which represents the government that has monopolised EU accession, the argument advanced in this thesis is that despite the alleged Europeanisation of the Turkish Cypriot community, they are habitually disregarded because of the EU’s current legal framework and the Union’s lack of conflict transformation strategy vis-à-vis the island. Since the self-declared TRNC is not recognised and EU law is suspended in northern Cyprus in accordance with Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Turkish-Cypriots represent an idiomatic partner of Brussels but the relations between the two resemble the experience of EU enlargement: the EU’s relevance to the community has been based on the prospects for EU accession (via reunification) and assistance towards preparation for potential EU integration through financial and technical aid. Undeniably, the pre-accession and postaccession strategy of Brussels in Cyprus has worsened the Cyprus problem and hindered the peace process. The time has come for the international community to formally acknowledge the existence of the TRNC.

Disentangling Discrimination: The Impact of Political and Societal Discrimination on Democratic (Dis)Engagement

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

Incomplete information games of conflict and collective action

My thesis consists of three essays that investigate strategic interactions between individuals engaging in risky collective action in uncertain environments. The first essay analyzes a broad class of incomplete information coordination games with a wide range of applications in economics and politics. The second essay draws from the general model developed in the first essay to study decisions by individuals of whether to engage in protest/revolution/coup/strike. The final essay explicitly integrates state response to the analysis. The first essay, Coordination Games with Strategic Delegation of Pivotality, exhaustively analyzes a class of binary action, two-player coordination games in which players receive stochastic payoffs only if both players take a ``stochastic-coordination action''. Players receive conditionally-independent noisy private signals about the normally distributed stochastic payoffs. With this structure, each player can exploit the information contained in the other player's action only when he takes the “pivotalizing action”. This feature has two consequences: (1) When the fear of miscoordination is not too large, in order to utilize the other player's information, each player takes the “pivotalizing action” more often than he would based solely on his private information, and (2) best responses feature both strategic complementarities and strategic substitutes, implying that the game is not supermodular nor a typical global game. This class of games has applications in a wide range of economic and political phenomena, including war and peace, protest/revolution/coup/ strike, interest groups lobbying, international trade, and adoption of a new technology. My second essay, Collective Action with Uncertain Payoffs, studies the decision problem of citizens who must decide whether to submit to the status quo or mount a revolution. If they coordinate, they can overthrow the status quo. Otherwise, the status quo is preserved and participants in a failed revolution are punished. Citizens face two types of uncertainty. (a) non-strategic: they are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution, (b) strategic: they are uncertain about each other's assessments of the relative payoff. I draw on the existing literature and historical evidence to argue that the uncertainty in the payoffs of status quo and revolution is intrinsic in politics. Several counter-intuitive findings emerge: (1) Better communication between citizens can lower the likelihood of revolution. In fact, when the punishment for failed protest is not too harsh and citizens' private knowledge is accurate, then further communication reduces incentives to revolt. (2) Increasing strategic uncertainty can increase the likelihood of revolution attempts, and even the likelihood of successful revolution. In particular, revolt may be more likely when citizens privately obtain information than when they receive information from a common media source. (3) Two dilemmas arise concerning the intensity and frequency of punishment (repression), and the frequency of protest. Punishment Dilemma 1: harsher punishments may increase the probability that punishment is materialized. That is, as the state increases the punishment for dissent, it might also have to punish more dissidents. It is only when the punishment is sufficiently harsh, that harsher punishment reduces the frequency of its application. Punishment Dilemma 1 leads to Punishment Dilemma 2: the frequencies of repression and protest can be positively or negatively correlated depending on the intensity of repression. My third essay, The Repression Puzzle, investigates the relationship between the intensity of grievances and the likelihood of repression. First, I make the observation that the occurrence of state repression is a puzzle. If repression is to succeed, dissidents should not rebel. If it is to fail, the state should concede in order to save the costs of unsuccessful repression. I then propose an explanation for the “repression puzzle” that hinges on information asymmetries between the state and dissidents about the costs of repression to the state, and hence the likelihood of its application by the state. I present a formal model that combines the insights of grievance-based and political process theories to investigate the consequences of this information asymmetry for the dissidents' contentious actions and for the relationship between the magnitude of grievances (formulated here as the extent of inequality) and the likelihood of repression. The main contribution of the paper is to show that this relationship is non-monotone. That is, as the magnitude of grievances increases, the likelihood of repression might decrease. I investigate the relationship between inequality and the likelihood of repression in all country-years from 1981 to 1999. To mitigate specification problem, I estimate the probability of repression using a generalized additive model with thin-plate splines (GAM-TPS). This technique allows for flexible relationship between inequality, the proxy for the costs of repression and revolutions (income per capita), and the likelihood of repression. The empirical evidence support my prediction that the relationship between the magnitude of grievances and the likelihood of repression is non-monotone.

É preciso ter coragem: um estudo das narrativas de mulheres na política

É na busca por compreender a inserção e participação de mulheres na política partidária na contemporaneidade que esta dissertação, situada na linha de pesquisa Culturas, Linguagens e Utopias, tem como objetivo analisar as narrativas de vereadoras de municípios que estão localizados na região sul do Rio Grande do Sul no período de 2009-2012. O corpus de análise constitui-se de entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com as onze vereadoras participantes a partir da metodologia de investigação narrativa. Partindo das contribuições dos Estudos Culturais e de Gênero em suas vertentes pós-estruturalistas procurou-se problematizar alguns discursos e práticas que emergiram nas narrativas com base nas contribuições da análise do discurso de Michel Foucault. Assim, verificou-se que a representação cultural das mulheres neste campo político está fundamentada em concepções essencialistas do gênero feminino como a sensibilidade. Isso vem provocando discussões na ciência política e nos estudos de gênero a partir de termos como política de ideias, política de desvelo que discutem a presença das mulheres em decorrência ou não desses atributos. O fato é que esses discursos vêm instituindo diferenças na participação de homens e mulheres na política e constituindo formas de ser mulher na política partidária e de fazer política diferenciada das dos homens de forma menos “dura”, “rígida”. Ao debruçar-se na inserção das mulheres nessa esfera pública constatou-se uma trajetória marcada pelas noções de público e privado que impediu ao longo de nossa história a participação das mulheres no campo político e o desenvolvimento de sua cidadania. Além disso, nas narrativas das vereadoras fica evidente que as mulheres não foram constituídas para participarem do que hoje é um direito seu: a esfera pública de decisão da política. Isso foi constatado a partir do convite que foi feito para a candidatura pelos partidos que a partir das cotas partidárias procuraram mais significativamente por mulheres para concorrer. Também se observou neste estudo o capital político de ingresso das mulheres nessa esfera: o capital familiar, capital dos movimentos sociais e capital de ocupação em cargos públicos. Quanto a participação das mulheres no cotidiano de seus mandatos identificamos a dificuldade de ser mulher e política na atualidade. As negociações com os partidos e os colegas, a conciliação entre a família e a vida pública; os focos de atuação dedicados as áreas sociais e nesse destacamos mais significativamente a educação. Por fim, o que pretendemos foi desconfiar da máxima “lugar de mulher não é na política” e conhecer as trajetórias e histórias de mulheres que cotidianamente entre conflitos e disputas lutam pelo seu lugar na esfera pública, pelo exercício de sua cidadania.

Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo e a sociedade portuguesa

Sendo certo que as estruturas sociais condicionam e, muitas vezes, determinam a identidade dos indivíduos que se inserem numa sociedade e cultura específica, pareceu-nos importante analisar o modo como Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo conseguiu romper com algumas estruturas de pensamento e criar novas práticas sociais que conferiram à mulher um novo papel social. Em que medida a transformação política, económica, social e cultural que ocorreu em Portugal na segunda metade do século XX, possibilitou a Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo a representação do papel de mulher, técnica, representante política e eclesial? Quais as estruturas culturais que entretanto se alteraram e influenciaram o desenvolvimento da condição da mulher na sociedade portuguesa? Como é que a sociedade nacional e internacional representa Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo? A pesquisa documental e bibliográfica que realizámos permitiu a análise dos códigos culturais que regularam as práticas sociais vigentes na sociedade portuguesa durante a ditadura do Estado Novo. Numa época e num país em que as mulheres se viam arredadas da participação ativa na vida política, Maria de Lourdes destaca-se. Acreditamos que, para o prestígio e projeção que alcançou a nível nacional e internacional, muito contribuiu a sua constante necessidade de confrontação, a sua criatividade intelectual e a sua fé.

Programa pró-equidade de gênero e raça da Prefeitura Municipal de Curitiba: estratégia para superar a divisão sexual de trabalho em uma instituição pública?

The objective of this study was to analyze if the pro equity program of gender and race in the PMC, changed the perception of the servants on the conception of sexual division of labor. The sexual division of labor is the concept that allows identifying and understanding the hierarchical relations (principal of hierarchization) based on the attribution of social and economic value most male occupations in relation female, besides that, considerers the female work‟s secondary and her salary supplement to the family income. And the principle of separation identifying the places occupies by man and woman in the institution (productive, reproductive, and domestic work) agreeing with the historical and social construction that associates woman to occupational sectors like “mastertship”, nursering and social assistance, considered an extension of the family functions like taking care and family affections. And the man is associate to engineer, technology information and occupations related to exact science all professions associate to reason, creating a bias of gender in labor relations. To identify possible inequalities of gender in the work ambiance, I have compared the initial basic duration of some careers, the ascension process to higher positions and the salary that both servants and servers in the PMC. Was also investigated the perception of implements and beneficiaries of the program, over the sexual labor division. The methodology used for conduct the investigation was the qualitative research interpretive character using the structured and semi structured interviewed as instruments of data collect. The interview was divided in two groups, to follow: a) implements of pro-equity program of gender and race and b) professors and engineers beneficiaries. The analyzes of documents provided by the Secretaria de Politícas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República and by the PMC complemented the investigative path of this research. Bring as result a perception of beneficiaries servants and implementing on a policy which provides for cultural changes in the institution and in the management of people. It should be noted that the program foresees that in its objectives identify the discriminatory relations of race, sexual orientation, generation and disable person who were not examined in this study. Factor that enables the continuation of the investigation process and is a suggestion for a future research.

Essays on Macroeconomic Trends and Cycles

This dissertation describes two studies on macroeconomic trends and cycles. The first chapter studies the impact of Information Technology (IT) on the U.S. labor market. Over the past 30 years, employment and income shares of routine-intensive occupations have declined significantly relative to nonroutine occupations, and the overall U.S. labor income share has declined relative to capital. Furthermore, the decline of routine employment has been largely concentrated during recessions and ensuing recoveries. I build a model of unbalanced growth to assess the role of computerization and IT in driving these labor market trends and cycles. I augment a neoclassical growth model with exogenous IT progress as a form of Routine-Biased Technological Change (RBTC). I show analytically that RBTC causes the overall labor income share to follow a U-shaped time path, as the monotonic decline of routine labor share is increasingly offset by the monotonic rise of nonroutine labor share and the elasticity of substitution between the overall labor and capital declines under IT progress. Quantitatively, the model explains nearly all the divergence between routine and nonroutine labor in the period 1986-2014, as well as the mild decline of the overall labor share between 1986 and the early 2000s. However, the model with IT progress alone cannot explain the accelerated decline of labor income share after the early 2000s, suggesting that other factors, such as globalization, may have played a larger role in this period. Lastly, when nonconvex labor adjustment costs are present, the model generates a stepwise decline in routine labor hours, qualitatively consistent with the data. The timing of these trend adjustments can be significantly affected by aggregate productivity shocks and concentrated in recessions. The second chapter studies the implications of loss aversion on the business cycle dynamics of aggregate consumption and labor hours. Loss aversion refers to the fact that people are distinctively more sensitive to losses than to gains. Loss averse agents are very risk averse around the reference point and exhibit asymmetric responses to positive and negative income shocks. In an otherwise standard Real Business Cycle (RBC) model, I study loss aversion in both consumption alone and consumption-and-leisure together. My results indicate that how loss aversion affects business cycle dynamics depends critically on the nature of the reference point. If, for example, the reference point is status quo, loss aversion dramatically lowers the effective inter-temporal rate of substitution and induces excessive consumption smoothing. In contrast, if the reference point is fixed at a constant level, loss aversion generates a flat region in the decision rules and asymmetric impulse responses to technology shocks. Under a reasonable parametrization, loss aversion has the potential to generate asymmetric business cycles with deeper and more prolonged recessions.

CONDICIONES INICIALES PARA UNA POLÍTICA DE DESARROLLO Y DEL MEDIO AMBIENTE. Un enfoque a partir de los derechos concretos a la vida

Resumen En este ensayo se pretende analizar, críticamente, un aspecto que consideramos crucial en toda propuesta de desarrollo, ya sea que éste se entienda como “desarrollo económico”, como “desarrollo humano sostenible”, o como desarrollo a secas: los criterios formales de decisión y sus correspondientes marcos categoriales. Estos criterios se insertan necesariamente en un sistema de coordinación del trabajo social, y condicionan los fines y las metas de la acción. Además, lo hacemos teniendo especialmente en cuenta aquellos rasgos estructurales del subdesarrollo capitalista que creemos necesario enfrentar y superar en toda propuesta de desarrollo: el desempleo, las desigualdades sociales y regionales, la exclusión social y la destrucción del medio ambiente. El análisis presupone una imagen del ser humano que concibe a éste como un sujeto de derechos concretos a la vida, imagen que parte del trabajo humano en el conjunto de la división social del trabajo, y por tanto, de un sujeto en comunidad. Adjudica al ser humano determinados derechos a la vida que tienen que impregnar a la sociedad entera para que pueda ser realmente una sociedad libre.   Abstract This paper attempts analyze, in a critical way, a crucial issue concerning every development proposal: the formal criteria of decision and their respective theoretical frameworks, either we talk about economic development, human development or just development. These criteria are necessarily inserted in a social labor coordination system and they determine those ends and goals of the human action. Moreover, we emphasize those structural features from capitalist underdeveloped countries that are urgent to face and overcome: unemployment, social and regional inequalities, social exclusion and environment destruction. Analysis we do presupposes the human being conceived as a person with concrete rights of live, as from the human labor in the whole of social labor division, and therefore, as a person in a community. Every society, in order to be a free society, must to assign these concrete rights of live to every human being.