847 resultados para Democratic issue


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Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.

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This is the first issue of the Leatherby Letters presented in digital format.

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The effects of a complexly worded counterattitudinal appeal on laypeople's attitudes toward a legal issue were examined, using the Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM) of persuasion as a theoretical framework. This model states that persuasion can result from the elaboration and scrutiny of the message arguments (i.e., central route processing), or can result from less cognitively effortful strategies, such as relying on source characteristics as a cue to message validity (i.e., peripheral route processing). One hundred and sixty-seven undergraduates (85 men and 81 women) listened to eitller a low status or high status source deliver a counterattitudinal speech on a legal issue. The speech was designed to contain strong or weak arguments. These arguments were 'worded in a simple and, therefore, easy to comprehend manner, or in a complex and, therefore, difficult to comprehend manner. Thus, there were three experimental manipulations: argument comprehensibility (easy to comprehend vs. difficult to comprehend), argumel11 strength (weak vs. strong), and source status (low vs. high). After listening to tIle speec.J] participants completed a measure 'of their attitude toward the legal issue, a thought listil1g task, an argument recall task,manipulation checks, measures of motivation to process the message, and measures of mood. As a result of the failure of the argument strength manipulation, only the effects of the comprehel1sibility and source status manipulations were tested. There was, however, some evidence of more central route processing in the easy comprehension condition than in the difficult comprehension condition, as predicted. Significant correlations were found between attitude and favourable and unfavourable thoughts about the legal issue with easy to comprehend arguments; whereas, there was a correlation only between attitude and favourable thoughts 11 toward the issue with difficult to comprehend arguments, suggesting, perhaps, that central route processing, \vhich involves argument scrutiny and elaboration, occurred under conditions of easy comprehension to a greater extent than under conditions of difficult comprehension. The results also revealed, among other findings, several significant effects of gender. Men had more favourable attitudes toward the legal issue than did women, men recalled more arguments from the speech than did women, men were less frustrated while listening to the speech than were ,vomen, and men put more effort into thinking about the message arguments than did women. When the arguments were difficult to comprehend, men had more favourable thoughts and fewer unfavourable thoughts about the legal issue than did women. Men and women may have had different affective responses to the issue of plea bargaining (with women responding more negatively than men), especially in light of a local and controversial plea bargain that occurred around the time of this study. Such pre-existing gender differences may have led to tIle lower frustration, the greater effort, the greater recall, and more positive attitudes for men than for WOlnen. Results· from this study suggest that current cognitive models of persuasion may not be very applicable to controversial issues which elicit strong emotional responses. Finally, these data indicate that affective responses, the controversial and emotional nature ofthe issue, gender and other individual differences are important considerations when experts are attempting to persuade laypeople toward a counterattitudinal position.

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Through a case-study analysis of Ontario's ethanol policy, this thesis addresses a number of themes that are consequential to policy and policy-making: spatiality, democracy and uncertainty. First, I address the 'spatial debate' in Geography pertaining to the relevance and affordances of a 'scalar' versus a 'flat' ontoepistemology. I argue that policy is guided by prior arrangements, but is by no means inevitable or predetermined. As such, scale and network are pragmatic geographical concepts that can effectively address the issue of the spatiality of policy and policy-making. Second, I discuss the democratic nature of policy-making in Ontario through an examination of the spaces of engagement that facilitate deliberative democracy. I analyze to what extent these spaces fit into Ontario's environmental policy-making process, and to what extent they were used by various stakeholders. Last, I take seriously the fact that uncertainty and unavoidable injustice are central to policy, and examine the ways in which this uncertainty shaped the specifics of Ontario's ethanol policy. Ultimately, this thesis is an exercise in understanding sub-national environmental policy-making in Canada, with an emphasis on how policy-makers tackle the issues they are faced with in the context of environmental change, political-economic integration, local priorities, individual goals, and irreducible uncertainty.

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The "Columbian" was established by Mr. Holt in 1808 as an "organ of the Clintonians" (Journalism in the United States, from 1690-1872 By Frederic Hudson) and a replacement to the "Citizen". It was a passionate Democratic paper that supported both Jefferson and Madison. Holt later sold the "Columbian" to Alden Spooner, who published the Long Island "Star". The Columbian ceased in 1821. This issue includes the following War of 1812 topics: Page 2: copies of letters from U.S. Gen. H. Dearborn describing the U.S. attack on Ft. George 27 May 1813; letter from Gen. H. Dearborn describing U.S. pursuit of British troops at Beaver Dams and the U.S. capture of Fort Erie; list of U.S. killed and wounded in Commodore Isaac Chauncey's squadron in attack on York 27 April, 1813; list of killed and wounded in Commodore Isaac Chauncey's squadron in attack on Ft. George 27 May 1813; abstract of the cartel for the exchange of prisoners of war between Great Britain and the United States; mention of troop movements through New York on their way to the battle front; list of persons killed or lost on the privateer Saratoga; Page 3: account of the loss of the U.S. war ships the Growler and Eagle to the British; news from Quebec and Kingston of troop movements; U.S. ship Syren unsuccessfully pursues British ship Herald; account of a U.S. cargo ship being captured by a British military ship; account of U.S. ship Siro capturing British ship Loyal Sam; report from Halifax of recent British troop and ship movements; list of recent troop enrollments in various states; report of British troop build up in Kingston;

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Notre recherche tente de comprendre l’évolution de la participation sociale et les nouvelles formes qu’elle prend dans la société canadienne contemporaine. La participation sociale constitue désormais un enjeu important dans les sociétés démocratiques, où la vie sociale est menacée par la logique marchande et où l’action de l’État sollicite de plus en plus l‘engagement social. Nous nous demandons ainsi comment la distribution du temps de participation sociale a évolué chez les Canadiens âgés de 25 à 49 ans, afin de saisir de quelle manière les individus concilient quotidiennement leur vie professionnelle, familiale et civique. Nous avons ainsi analysé la participation sociale à partir de la place qu’elle occupe dans l’organisation de l’emploi du temps quotidien, plutôt qu’à partir de ses déterminants. Au terme de nos analyses, nous pouvons poser deux conclusions majeures. D’abord, l’évolution entre 1992 et 1998, des activités formelles (bénévolat) et des activités informelles (entraide) se caractérise par la baisse du taux de participation. Par contre, il s’est également produit un allongement du temps de participation du bénévolat qui témoigne de l’existence d’un « noyau dur » de bénévoles. Ensuite, c’est la manière spécifique dont les individus organisent leur temps libre qui explique l’engagement social et le temps qui lui est consacré. Ceci nous fait conclure à l’influence réelle mais non totalement déterminante du temps de travail dans le fait de s’engager ou non et de consacrer de plus ou moins longues périodes à la pratique de ces activités.

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Le pouvoir de détenir une personne à des fins d'enquête n'est pas une technique d'investigation nouvelle et tire son origine du droit anglais. Mais cette méthode d'enquête, qui consiste à restreindre temporairement la liberté de mouvement d'une personne que l'on soupçonne pour des motifs raisonnables d'être impliquée dans une activité criminelle, ne fut reconnue officiellement au Canada qu'en juillet 2004 suite au jugement rendu par la Cour suprême dans l'affaire R. c. Mann. Au moment d'écrire ces lignes, cette stratégie d'enquête policière ne fait toujours pas l'objet d'une réglementation spécifique au Code criminel. L'approbation de cette technique d'enquête, en l'absence de toute forme de législation, ne s'est pas faite sans critiques de la part des auteurs et des commentateurs judiciaires qui y voient une intrusion dans un champ de compétences normalement réservé au Parlement. L'arrêt Mann laisse également en suspens une question cruciale qui se rapporte directement aux droits constitutionnels des citoyens faisant l'objet d'une détention semblable: il s'agit du droit d'avoir recours sans délai à l'assistance d'un avocat. Le présent travail se veut donc une étude approfondie du concept de la détention à des fins d'enquête en droit criminel canadien et de son impact sur les droits constitutionnels dont bénéficient les citoyens de notre pays. Pour accomplir cette tâche, l'auteur propose une analyse de la question en trois chapitres distincts. Dans le premier chapitre, l'auteur se penche sur le rôle et les fonctions dévolus aux agents de la paix qui exécutent leur mission à l'intérieur d'une société libre et démocratique comme celle qui prévaut au Canada. Cette étude permettra au lecteur de mieux connaître les principaux acteurs qui assurent le maintien de l'ordre sur le territoire québécois, les crimes qu'ils sont le plus souvent appelés à combattre ainsi que les méthodes d'enquête qu'ils emploient pour les réprimer. Le deuxième chapitre est entièrement dédié au concept de la détention à des fins d'enquête en droit criminel canadien. En plus de l'arrêt R. c. Mann qui fera l'objet d'une étude détaillée, plusieurs autres sujets en lien avec cette notion seront abordés. Des thèmes tels que la notion de «détention» au sens des articles 9 et 10b) de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, la différence entre la détention à des fins d'enquête et l'arrestation, les motifs pouvant légalement justifier une intervention policière de même que les limites et l'entendue de la détention d'une personne pour fins d'enquête, seront aussi analysés. Au troisième chapitre, l'auteur se consacre à la question du droit d'avoir recours sans délai à l'assistance d'un avocat (et d'être informé de ce droit) ainsi que du droit de garder le silence dans des circonstances permettant aux agents de la paix de détenir une personne à des fins d'enquête. Faisant l'analogie avec d'autres jugements rendus par nos tribunaux, l'auteur suggère quelques pistes de solutions susceptibles de combler les lacunes qui auront été préalablement identifiées dans les arrêts Mann et Clayton.

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This paper draws on James Ferguson’s concept of ‘anti-politics machine’ and Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of illusio to explore the nature of the international development cooperation programmes financed by the Czech government. It argues that its character as an ‘anti-politics machine’ turns development into a highly technical issue and dismisses essential political questions of global equity and policy coherence from the public debate. Moreover, the actors in the field of development cooperation are held in an illusio: they are required to appear as altruistic, which obscures their particular interests. This instrumentalization of development aid contributes to further isolation of the Czech development constituency and raises fundamental questions for the democratic legitimacy of development cooperation.