940 resultados para Constitutional bounderies


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In this article, I firstly offer a synthesis of a brief set of analytical elements of the theory of democracy and federalism established in the recent debate which identify a number of flaws in the normative and institutional bases of plurinational democracies. It is necessary to overcome these flaws in order to achieve a true political and constitutional recognition and accommodation of the national pluralism of this kind of liberal democracies (section 1). Secondly, we will focus on the Spanish case of the “Estado de las Autonomías” taking into account the recent reform of the Catalan constitutional law (Estatut d’autonomia 2006) (section 2). A final section makes a number of concluding remarks relating the previously highlighted elements of the theory of democracy and federalism with the analysis of the Catalan case (section 3).

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Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts

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In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.

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Religion in general, and Islam in particular, has become one of the main focal points of policy-making and constitutional politics in many Western liberal states. This article proposes to examine the legal and political dynamics behind new regulations targeting individual religious practices of Muslims. Although one could presuppose that church-state relations or the understanding of secularism is the main factor accounting for either accommodation or prohibition of Muslim religious practices, I make the case that the policy frame used to conceptualize the integration of immigrants in each national context is a more significant influence on how a liberal state approaches the legal regulation of individual practices such as veiling. However, this influence must be assessed carefully since it may have different effects on the different institutional actors in charge of regulating religion, such as the Courts and the legislature. To assess these hypotheses I compare two countries, France and Canada, which are solid examples of two contrasting national policy frames for the integration of immigrants.

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Using exome sequencing and a variant prioritization strategy that focuses on loss-of-function variants, we identified biallelic, loss-of-function CEP57 mutations as a cause of constitutional mosaic aneuploidies. CEP57 is a centrosomal protein and is involved in nucleating and stabilizing microtubules. Our findings indicate that these and/or additional functions of CEP57 are crucial for maintaining correct chromosomal number during cell division.

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The Legislative Council established the Continuity of Government Planning Interim Study Committee in 2006 and authorized the Committee to meet during the 2006 Legislative Interim. The Committee was given the following charge: Examine issues relating to the continued functioning of state government following a disaster, including gubernatorial succession, replacement of constitutional officers and department heads, legislative elections to fill vacancies, and continued funding of state government if the General Assembly is unable to meet and pass a budget.

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*********** Some files are large and will take time to load. *********** Seven Files: 1)Report Cover, 2)Table of Contents, 3)Statewide Financial Summaries, 4)Department Budgets, 5)Capitol Projects, 6)Associated Financial Documents, 7)Budget Report. To Members of the 82nd General Assembly, As we begin the second year of our Administration, we are pleased to submit the Fiscal Year 2009 budget for the State of Iowa pursuant to Iowa Code Section 8.21 and our constitutional authority. This budget recognizes the progress that we began last year with improvements in education, economic development, energy independence, and health care; provides funding for new policy initiatives in these areas; and is based on fiscally sound budget practices. Building on last year’s accomplishments, our Fiscal Year 2009 General Fund budget proposes an additional $75 million for increasing teachers’ salaries as part of our goal to move Iowa closer to the national average. We lay the foundation for student achievement by recommending $32.1 million for pre-school education, and we also propose $177.5 million in total for community colleges and $726.2 million in total for Regents universities. To make our State more energy independent, our General Fund budget appropriates the second-year funding of $25 million for the new Iowa Power Fund. The newly established Office of Energy Independence will soon start making awards from the Power Fund. Apart from the budget, we will be making several proposals to implement the new State energy plan. We have pledged to expand the number of Iowans who have health-care coverage. As a result, we are recommending additional funding for enrollment growth in the State Children Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). These additional funds will help the State provide coverage for another 25 percent of children who are eligible but not yet enrolled in hawk-i and the Iowa Medicaid Program. To protect the safety of Iowans, we are recommending issuance of revenue bonds for approximately $260 million in net proceeds to build a new state penitentiary in Ft. Madison, renovate and expand the Women’s Correctional Institution at Mitchellville, upgrade kitchen facilities at the Rockwell City and Mt. Pleasant Correctional Institutions, and expand Community-Based Correctional Facilities in Ottumwa, Sioux City, Waterloo, and Des Moines. Additionally, we are including funding for developing a prototype program for providing parolees and low-risk offenders with mental health and drug abuse treatment and educational services to help them make a crime-free re-entry into our communities. As part of this Capitals Budget, we also propose using $20 million for the State’s matching share for building new facilities at the Iowa Veterans Home. Iowa Budget Report iv Fiscal Year 2009 Importantly, our budget continues to fully fund our State’s Reserve Funds to help buffer Iowa from any future economic downturn. We recommend reimbursing $78.2 million to the Property Tax Credit Fund as part of our multi-year proposal to correct bad budgeting practices and eventually restore $160.0 million to this Fund. To provide more transparency, we are transferring operational expenditures in the Rebuild Iowa Infrastructure Fund to the General Fund and expenditures from the Endowment for Healthy Iowans and Healthy Iowans Tobacco Trust Funds to the General Fund. We believe that Iowa has charted a new course of becoming energy independent, providing quality pre-school education, recognizing the importance of our teachers, and providing greater health coverage for children. Our Fiscal Year 2009 budget and policy priorities reflect our continuing faith in Iowa’s ability to be the best state in the nation. We look forward to working with you in a bi-partisan and all-inclusive manner to build on our progress and protect our priorities. Sincerely, Chester J. Culver Governor Patty Judge Lt. Governor

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This Executive Order aids the Governor to meet his Constitutional obligation to balance the state budget, announcing that he would order a 1.5 percent across-the-board reduction in state expenditures for the current fiscal year.

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O artigo procura analisar a relação que se estabelece entre o poder executivo e legislativo no sistema de governo cabo-verdiano, onde Investigadores buscam compreendê-lo, tendo em conta a sua configuração prática, teórica e constitucional. Há que realçar a proeminência do debate e dos estudos realizados no sentido de compreender como é que a academia científica procura debelar esta problemática. Duas questões são pertinentes neste debate: a primeira refere-se à configuração teórico-constitucional do sistema de governo cabo-verdiano e a outra à prática política e legislativa.

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e article analyses the relationship established between the executive and legislative powers in the Cape Verdean government system where researchers seek to understand it, taking into account their theoretical and constitutional setting practice. It should be noted the prominence of the debate and studies undertaken to understand how the scienti c academy seeks to eradicate this problem. Two issues are relevant in this debate: the rst reporting to the theoretical and constitutional con guration of Cape Verdean government system and the other to its policy and legislative practice. Keywords: Cape Verde. Semi-presidential System. Systems of Government. Legislative and Executive Powers.

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Background: Acute Myeloid Leukemia (AML) in the elderly is notoriously difficult to treat and has a low remission rate with very few long term survivors when using standard treatment approaches. Azacytidine, a hypomethylating agent, has been shown to induce remission and prolong survival in patients with myelodysplastic syndromes; studying this approach to patients with AML is therefore warranted. We present results of an ongoing phase II trial treating elderly or frail AML patients with Azacytidine. Methods: AML elderly or frail patients, and therefore unfit for an intensive chemotherapy regimens, with a WHO performance status 3 were considered for this trial. Trial therapy consisted of 100mg/m2 of Azacytidine injected subcutaneously on 5 consecutive days every 28 days up to 6 cycles, stopping at 6 months if no hematological improvement achieved, or earlier in the case of progression or complications. Treatment was continued beyond 6 months in responding patients. Trial therapy was considered uninteresting if the response rate (CR + PR) within 6 months of therapy initiation was 15% or less and promising if 34% or more. Using the exact single-stage phase II design by A'Hern with a 5% significance level and 90% power, 43 patients were required: If 10 or fewer achieved a response within 6 months the trial therapy should not be considered for further investigation in its current format for this indication and patient population. Results: Between September 2008 and January 2010, 45 evaluable patients across 10 Swiss centers were accrued with a median follow-up of 7 months (range: 0 - 13). 27 (60%) were male, median age was 74 (range: 55 - 86) years and 35 (78.8%) had performance status 0-1. Patients had been excluded from more intensive chemotherapy regimens because of age (n = 37) or due to comorbidities or patient refusal (n=8). Five patients had therapy related AML. Patients received a median of 3 (range: 1 - 10) cycles. Treatment was stopped for not achieving a response by the 6th cycle in 2 patients and earlier in 26 patients (for disease progression in 5, toxicity in 3, patient refusal in 2, recurrent infections in 1, and death in 8). Seventeen patients remain on therapy. The median time spent in the hospital was 12 days (1 - 30) in 24/38 patients hospitalized during the first treatment cycle and 13 days (2 - 28) in 15/31 patients hospitalized during subsequent cycles. Adverse events of grade III or higher most frequently reported were constitutional or hematologic, i.e. fatigue in 5, febrile neutropenia in 8, infections in 6, dyspnea in 6, anemia in 3, neutropenia in 12 and thrombocytopenia in 10, hemorrhage in 2 and retinal detachment in 5. Based on available data on 38 patients, CR/CRi or hematologic improvement or stable disease within 6 months of trial registration was observed in a proportion of patients. Final and mature data, determining whether the predefined proportion of responding patients has been reached or not, will be presented at the conference. Up to now there were a total of 26 deaths. Median overall survival time was 5.7 months (95% CI: 3.1, 8.7). Conclusions: The current results of this slightly modified Azacytidine schedule demonstrate a feasible new therapy option for elderly or frail AML patients in an outpatient setting with moderate, mainly hematologic toxicity.

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Abstract: Order or autonomy? The concept of power in the Finnish constitutional debate of 1918

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Benjamin F. Shambaugh edited and compiled documents and publications for this book on the history of Iowa. This volume 1 includes documentary material from the Louisiana Purchase, the Territories of the Northwest, Wisconsin and Iowa; the Convention of 1857;the Iowa Constitution of 1846 and the Ratification of Constitutional Amendments.