975 resultados para Commemoration Conflict Memory Politics
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We present a model of conflict, in which discriminatory government policy or social intolerance is responsive to various forms of ethnic activism, including violence. It is this perceived responsiveness -captured by the probability that the government gives in and accepts a proponed change in ethnic policy- that induces individuals to mobilize in support for their cause. Yet, mobilization is costly and demonstrators have to be compensated accordingly. Individuals have to weigh their ethnic radicalism with their material well-being to determine the size of their money contribution to the cause. Our main results are: (i) a one-sided increase in radicalism or in population size increases conflict; (ii) a one-sided increase in income has ambiguous effects depending on the elasticity of contributions to income; (iii) an increase in within-group inequality increases conflict; and (iv) an increase in the correlation between ethnic radicalism and inequality also increases conflict.
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A recent upsurge of empirical studies on the causes of conflict attempts to connect various features of the distribution of the relevant characteristic (typically ethnicity or religion) to conflict. The distributional indices differ (polarization, fractionalization or Lorenz-domination) and so do the various specifications of "conflict" (onset, incidence or intensity). Overall, the results are far from clear, and combined with the mixture of alternative indices and notions of "conflict" it is not surprising that the reader may come away thoroughly perplexed. The aim of this paper is to provide a theoretical framework that permits us to distinguish between the occurrence of conflict and its severity and that clarifies the role of polarization and fractionalization in each of these cases.
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Descripció i anàlisi dels instruments polítics, econòmics, civils i militars de la Unió Europea per enfrontar qualsevol conflicte.
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The search for political determinants of intergovernmental fiscal relations has shaped much of the recent literature on the economic viability of federalism. This study assesses the explanatory power of two competing views about intergovernmental transfers; one emphasizing the traditional neoclassical approach to federal-subnational fiscal relations and the other suggesting that transfers are contingent on the political fortunes and current political vulnerability of each level of government. The author tests these models using data from Argentina, a federation exhibiting one of the most decentralised fiscal systems in the world and severe imbalances in the territorial distribution of legislative and economic resources. It is shown that overrespresented provinces ruled by governors who belong to opposition parties can bring into play their political overrepresentation to attract shares of federal transfers beyond social welfare criteria and to shield themselves from unwanted reforms to increase fiscal co-responsibilty. This finding suggests that decision makers in federal countries must pay close heed to the need to synchronize institutional reforms and fiscal adjustment.
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Recent years have seen a striking proliferation of the term ‘global’ in public and political discourse. The popularity of the term is a manifestation of the fact that there is a widespread notion that contemporary social reality is ‘global’. The acknowledgment of this notion has important political implications and raises questions about the role played by the idea of the ‘global’ in policy making. These questions, in turn, expose even more fundamental issues about whether the term ‘global’ indicates a difference in kind, even an ontological shift, and, if so, how to approach it. This paper argues that the notion of ‘global’, in other words the ‘global dimension’, is a significant aspect of contemporary politics that needs to be investigated. The paper argues that in the globalization discourse of International Studies ‘global’ is ‘naturalized’, which means that it is taken for granted and assumed to be self-evident. The term ‘global’ is used mainly in a descriptive way and subsumed under the rubric of ‘globalization’. ‘Global’ tends to be equated with transnational and/or world-wide; hence, it addresses quantitative differences in degree but not (alleged) differences in kind. In order to advance our understanding of contemporary politics, ‘global’ needs to be taken seriously. This means, firstly, to understand and to conceptualize ‘global’ as a social category; and, secondly, to uncover ‘global’ as a ‘naturalized’ concept in the Political and International Studies strand of the globalization discourse in order to rescue it for innovative new approaches in the investigation of contemporary politics. In order to do so, the paper suggests adopting a strong linguistic approach starting with the analysis of the word ‘global’. Based on insights from post-structuralism as well as cognitive and general constructivist perspectives it argues that a frame-based corpus linguistic analysis offers the possibility of investigating the collective/social meaning(s) of global in order to operationalize them for the analysis of the ‘global dimension’ of contemporary politics.
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Contribució al Seminari: "Les Euroregions: Experiències i aprenatges per a l’Euroregió Pirineus-Mediterrània", 15-16 de desembre de 2005
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We study how conflict in a contest game is influenced by rival parties being groups and by group members being able to punish each other. Our main motivation stems from the analysis of socio-political conflict. The relevant theoretical prediction in our setting is that conflict expenditures are independent of group size and independent of whether punishment is available or not. We find, first, that our results contradict the independence of group-size prediction: conflict expenditures of groups are substantially larger than those of individuals, and both are substantially above equilibrium. Towards the end of the experiment material losses in groups are 257% of the predicted level. There is, however, substantial heterogeneity in the investment behaviour of individual group members. Second, allowing group members to punish each other after individual contributions to the contest effort are revealed leads to even larger conflict expenditures. Now material losses are 869% of the equilibrium level and there is much less heterogeneity in individual group members' investments. These results contrast strongly with those from public goods experiments where punishment enhances efficiency and leads to higher material payoffs.
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The objective of this paper is to identify the role of memory in repeated contracts with moral hazard in financial intermediation. We use the database we have built containing the contracts signed by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development EBRD between 1991 and 2003. Our framework is a standard setting of repeated moral hazard. After having controlled for the adverse selection component, we are able to prove that client reputation is the discrimination device according to which the bank fixes the amount of credit for the established clients. Our results unambiguously isolate the effect of memory in the bank's lending decisions.
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El projecte de recerca s'ha basat en el projecte Miquel Martí i Pol, que ha consistit en la creació i manteniment d'un jardí dedicat a la memòria del poeta, amb persones en situació d'exclusió social (per motius de malaltia mental, immigració, pobresa) i estudiants de teràpia ocupacional de la Universitat de Vic, des d'una sinergia única entre la Universitat de Vic i institucions públiques, socials i empresarials. La recerca ve a cobrir la falta de coneixement sobre l'impacte terapèutic de la jardineria, com afirmava Sempik al 2003. Així mateix, genera coneixements sobre l'ocupació humana, la ciutadania, les comunitats inclusives, les aliances estratègiques i sobre noves praxis educatives en el marc del nou Espai Europeu d'Educació Superior (EEES). El marc teòric s'ha basat en una visió transdisciplinària, des de l'educació, la filosofia, la psicologia, la sociologia, la teràpia ocupacional, la política, l'ecologia i l'antropologia. S'ha desenvolupat una recerca inspirada per la investigació acció participativa que ha aprofundit en el significat que ha tingut aquesta experiència per a les persones implicades en el procés de creació del jardí: les persones procedents de col•lectius en situació d'exclusió, els estudiants, així com els representants de les institucions públiques, socials, empresarials i la pròpia Universitat de Vic. Així es van desenvolupar una sèrie d'entrevistes a fons i formularis amb 5 jardiners; 2 estudiants; la Consellera d'Acció Social de l'Ajuntament de Vic; el Conseller d'Acció Social del Consell Comarcal d'Osona; el President de Caritas; la terapeuta ocupacional de la Fundació Centre Mèdic Psicopedagògic d'Osona; la Rectora de la Universitat de Vic; la Directora de l'EUCS i el President del Rotary Club. Els temes que han sorgit en la recerca són: La construcció de l'ocupació significativa; la jardineria com a font de benestar; un espai de bellesa; la dignitat de la ciutadania; la creació de comunitats inclusives; una Universitat al servei de la Humanitat: noves praxis educatives; l'art de les aliances estratègiques i de les sinergies. Els coneixements generats tenen relació amb els estudis de teràpia ocupacional, així com per a educació social, infermeria, psicologia i ciències ambientals. A més a més són una aposta per al desenvolupament de noves praxis educatives en el nou EEES. El treball ha estat qualificat com a excel•lent per unanimitat del tribunal.
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T cell factor-1 (TCF-1) and lymphoid enhancer-binding factor 1, the effector transcription factors of the canonical Wnt pathway, are known to be critical for normal thymocyte development. However, it is largely unknown if it has a role in regulating mature T cell activation and T cell-mediated immune responses. In this study, we demonstrate that, like IL-7Ralpha and CD62L, TCF-1 and lymphoid enhancer-binding factor 1 exhibit dynamic expression changes during T cell responses, being highly expressed in naive T cells, downregulated in effector T cells, and upregulated again in memory T cells. Enforced expression of a p45 TCF-1 isoform limited the expansion of Ag-specific CD8 T cells in response to Listeria monocytogenes infection. However, when the p45 transgene was coupled with ectopic expression of stabilized beta-catenin, more Ag-specific memory CD8 T cells were generated, with enhanced ability to produce IL-2. Moreover, these memory CD8 T cells expanded to a larger number of secondary effectors and cleared bacteria faster when the immunized mice were rechallenged with virulent L. monocytogenes. Furthermore, in response to vaccinia virus or lymphocytic choriomeningitis virus infection, more Ag-specific memory CD8 T cells were generated in the presence of p45 and stabilized beta-catenin transgenes. Although activated Wnt signaling also resulted in larger numbers of Ag-specific memory CD4 T cells, their functional attributes and expansion after the secondary infection were not improved. Thus, constitutive activation of the canonical Wnt pathway favors memory CD8 T cell formation during initial immunization, resulting in enhanced immunity upon second encounter with the same pathogen.
Resumo:
B and T lymphocyte attenuator (BTLA) is a negative regulator of T cell activation, but its function in vivo is not well characterized. Here we show that mice deficient in full-length BTLA or its ligand, herpesvirus entry mediator, had increased number of memory CD8(+) T cells. The memory CD8(+) T cell phenotype resulted from a T cell-intrinsic perturbation of the CD8(+) T cell pool. Naive BTLA-deficient CD8(+) T cells were more efficient than wild-type cells at generating memory in a competitive antigen-specific system. This effect was independent of the initial expansion of the responding antigen-specific T cell population. In addition, BTLA negatively regulated antigen-independent homeostatic expansion of CD4(+) and CD8(+) T cells. These results emphasize two central functions of BTLA in limiting T cell activity in vivo.
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Paper given at the Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, Barcelona in 1995 analysing the relationship between politics, the Olympic Games and the Olympic Movement and their influences.