Compositional data-driven alternatives to single geochemical component maps

Conventional practice in Regional Geochemistry includes as a final step of any geochemical campaign the generation of a series of maps, to show the spatial distribution of each of the components considered. Such maps, though necessary, do not comply with the compositional, relative nature of the data, which unfortunately make any conclusion based on them sensitive
to spurious correlation problems. This is one of the reasons why these maps are never interpreted isolated. This contribution aims at gathering a series of statistical methods to produce individual maps of multiplicative combinations of components (logcontrasts), much in the flavor of equilibrium constants, which are designed on purpose to capture certain aspects of the data.
We distinguish between supervised and unsupervised methods, where the first require an external, non-compositional variable (besides the compositional geochemical information) available in an analogous training set. This external variable can be a quantity (soil density, collocated magnetics, collocated ratio of Th/U spectral gamma counts, proportion of clay particle fraction, etc) or a category (rock type, land use type, etc). In the supervised methods, a regression-like model between the external variable and the geochemical composition is derived in the training set, and then this model is mapped on the whole region. This case is illustrated with the Tellus dataset, covering Northern Ireland at a density of 1 soil sample per 2 square km, where we map the presence of blanket peat and the underlying geology. The unsupervised methods considered include principal components and principal balances
(Pawlowsky-Glahn et al., CoDaWork2013), i.e. logcontrasts of the data that are devised to capture very large variability or else be quasi-constant. Using the Tellus dataset again, it is found that geological features are highlighted by the quasi-constant ratios Hf/Nb and their ratio against SiO2; Rb/K2O and Zr/Na2O and the balance between these two groups of two variables; the balance of Al2O3 and TiO2 vs. MgO; or the balance of Cr, Ni and Co vs. V and Fe2O3. The largest variability appears to be related to the presence/absence of peat.

In the Shadows of the Old Town: Thomas Anna and 19th-century Glasgow

In 1858, a volume entitled Midnight Scenes and Social Photographs – being sketches of life in the streets, wynds and dens of the city of Glasgow was published under the pseudonym of ‘Shadow’ by Alexander Brown, a Glaswegian flâneur and reformer. Its frontispiece is an etching which depicts a theatre-like proscenium arch whose curtains have been withdrawn to reveal to the audience all the poverty, destitution and disorder that one was likely to find after dark in the insalubrious quarters of the city. At the extreme left-hand side, partly obscured by the curtain a silhouetted figure stands behind an unwieldy camera perched on a tripod. Distinctly unaffected by the mêlée, an arm is calmly raised and a finger precisely arched in the moment before the shutter is clicked and the scene committed to record. The volume, however, relies exclusively on textual descriptions to evoke the underside of the city and contains no photographs at all. Instead, the use of the word photograph in the title can be understood as a metaphor for detached scientific objectivity, a quality much celebrated by nineteenth-century reformers and investigators of social ills. As it happened, a decade after Shadow disappeared into the labyrinthine back-lands of Old Town Glasgow, he was followed there by a real photographer. In 1868, Thomas Annan was commissioned by the City Improvements Trust to take photographs of the Old Town in its last moments of existence before it was pulled down under a series of legislative acts. But perhaps paradoxically, given Shadow’s faith in the analytical properties of photography, Annan’s work seems to refute much of the material contained in Midnight Scenes and other similar tracts. Instead of the dens, shebeens, labyrinths and rowdy crowds described by Shadow, Annan’s depictions of the Old Town convey a static, calm environment, one which is often sparsely inhabited by a curious but apparently orderly population.

Taking account of the sensational tendencies of many reformists’ texts, this paper investigates the discrepancies between the two representations, focussing in particular on the constraints which operated on Annan during his commission. It argues that Annan’s compositions – which became very influential on other 19th century photographers of everyday life such as John Thomson or Jacob Riis – far from being dispassionate analytical works, emerged as a result of a matrix of factors which included: photographic and artistic precedents; Annan’s own predilections as a photographer; technological limitations; the nature of the commission from the City Improvements Trust and political climate in which it was given; the medieval urban fabric in which he had to operate; and, perhaps, most importantly, the identity of the Old Towns inhabitants themselves.

Old Town Glasgow: Squalor, Agitation and City Improvements

In 1862, Glasgow Corporation initiated the first of a series of three legislative acts which would become known collectively as the City Improvements Acts. Despite having some influence on the nature of the built fabric on the expanding city as a whole, the most extensive consequences of these acts was reserved for one specific area of the city, the remnants of the medieval Old Town. As the city had expanded towards all points of the compass in a regular, grid-iron structure throughout the nineteenth century, the Old Town remained singularly as a densely wrought fabric of medieval wynds, vennels, oblique passageways and accelerated tenementalisation. Here, as the rest of the city began to assume the form of an ordered entity, visible and classifiable, one could still find and addresses such as ‘Bridgegate, No. 29, backland, stair first left, three up, right lobby, door facing’ (quoted in Pacione, 1995).

Unsurprisingly, this place, where proximity to the midden (dung-heap) was considered an enviable position, was seen by the authorities as a major health hazard and a source not only of cholera, but also of the more alarming typhoid epidemic of 1842. Accordingly, the demolitions which occurred in the backlands of the Old Town under the first of the acts, the Glasgow Police Act of 1862, were justified on health and medical grounds. But disease was not the only social problem thought to issue from this district. Reports from social reformers including Fredrick Engels suggested that the decay of the area’s physical fabric could be extended to the moral profile of its inhabitants. This was in such a state of degeneracy that there were calls for a nearby military barracks to be relocated to more salubrious climes because troops were routinely coming into contact ‘with the most dissolute and profligate portion of the population’ (Peter Clonston, Lord Provost, June 1861). Perhaps more worrying for the city fathers, however, was that the barracks’ arsenal was seen as a potential source of arms for the militant and often illegal cotton workers’ unions and organisations who inhabited the Old Town as well as the districts to the east. In fact, the Old Town and East End had been the site of numerous working class actions and riots since 1787, including a strike of 60,000 workers in 1820, 100,000 in 1838, and the so-called Bread Riots of 1848 where shouts of ‘Vive La Revolution’ were reported in the Gallowgate.

The events in Paris in 1848 precipitated Baron Hausmann’s interventions into that city. The boulevards were in turn visited by members of Glasgow Corporation and ultimately, it can be argued, provided an example for Old Town Glasgow. This paper suggests that the city improvement acts carried a similarly complex and pervasive agenda, one which embodied not only health, class conflict and sexual morality but also the more local condition of sectarianism. And, like in Paris, these were played out spatially in a extensive reconfiguration of the urban fabric of the Old Town which, through the creation of new streets and a railway yard, not only made it more amenable to large scale military manoeuvres but also, opened up the area to capitalist accumulation. By the end of the works, the medieval heritage of the Old Town had been almost completely razed, the working class and Catholic East End had, through the insertion of the railway yard, been isolated from the city centre and approximately 70,000 people had been made homeless.

Contribución al estudio del patrimonio de Cacela: cartografía, arquitectura y paisaje en el contexto del algarve oriental en Portugal

El presente artículo estudia la cartografía de Cacela en el sur de Portugal con el propósito de interpretar su transformación a través del tiempo, considerando la arquitectura, el urbanismo y el paisaje de forma integrada. La lectura de esa transformación se lleva de la mano de las principales cartas de Cacela que coinciden con el inicio del siglo XVII, la aproximación al final del Antiguo Régimen y la transición del siglo XIX al XX, asociando cada uno de estos tiempos a un modo particular de representación. La interpretación de las diferentes cartas está organizada, en términos me- todológicos, a partir del recurso a fuentes escritas de la época, culminando con la elaboración de un dibujo final que contiene la representación del espacio edificado y del paisaje de Cacela a mediados del siglo pasado. Este trabajo se inscribe en una investigación más amplia sobre las aglomeraciones urbanas de pequeña dimensión en las diver- sas subunidades geográficas del sur de Portugal, comprendiendo el paisaje, la morfología urbana y el levantamiento integral de todo el núcleo edificado.

Regional Knowledge Maps - Potential and Challenges

Regional knowledge map is a tool recently demanded by some actors in an institutional level to help regional policy and innovation in a territory. Besides, knowledge maps facilitate the interaction between the actors of a territory and the collective learning. This paper reports the work in progress of a research project which objective is to define a methodology to efficiently design territorial knowledge maps, by extracting information of big volumes of data contained in diverse sources of information related to a region. Knowledge maps facilitate management of the intellectual capital in organisations. This paper investigates the value to apply this tool to a territorial region to manage the structures, infrastructures and the resources to enable regional innovation and regional development. Their design involves the identification of information sources that are required to find which knowledge is located in a territory, which actors are involved in innovation, and which is the context to develop this innovation (structures, infrastructures, resources and social capital). This paper summarizes the theoretical background and framework for the design of a methodology for the construction of knowledge maps, and gives an overview of the main challenges for the design of regional knowledge maps.

Challenges and Potentials for Keyword Extraction from Company Websites for the Development of Regional Knowledge Maps

Regional Innovation Systems describe the relations between actors, structures and infrastructures in a region in order to stimulate innovation and regional development. For these systems the collection and organization of information is crucial. In the present paper we investigate the possibilities to extract information from websites of companies. First we describe regional innovation systems and the information types that are necessary to create them. Then we discuss the possibilities of text mining and keyword extraction techniques to extract this information from company websites. Finally, we describe a small scale experiment in which keywords related to economic sectors and commodities are extracted from the websites of over 200 companies. This experiment shows what the main challenges are for information extraction from websites for regional innovation systems.