990 resultados para political subject
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We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.
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RAPPORT DE SYNTHESE Introduction : dans la présente étude, nous nous sommes intéressés à la vasodilatation cutanée induite par le réchauffement local (hyperémie thermique). Il est établi, qu'une partie de cette réponse vasculaire est médiée par l'oxyde nitrique (NO). De manière générale, les effets du NO peuvent être sujets à une désensibilisation, comme nous le démontre le phénomène bien connu de tolérance aux dérivés nitrés. Le but du présent travail était d'évaluer si une telle désensibilisation existe dans le cas de l'hyperémie thermique. Méthodes : nous avons donc examiné si une première stimulation thermique pouvait en atténuer une deuxième, induite plus tard sur le même site cutané à une intervalle de 2h ou 4h. Pour vérifier directement l'effet du réchauffement local sur la sensibilité de la microcirculation cutanée au NO, nous avons de plus appliqué un donneur de NO (nitroprussiate de sodium, SNP) par la technique d' iontophorèse, sur des sites cutanés préalablement soumis à un échauffement local 2h ou 4h auparavant. Nous avons examinés 12 sujets en bonne santé habituelle, de sexe masculin, non fumeurs, âgés de 18 à 30 ans, ne prenant aucune médication. Le flux sanguin dermique a été mesuré par imagerie laser Doppler (LDI, Moor Instruments) sur la face antérieur de l'avant-bras. Le réchauffement local de la peau a été effectué grâce a des petits anneaux métalliques thermo-contrôlés contenant de l'eau. La température était initialement de 34°C. Elle a été augmentée à 41 °C en une minute et maintenue à cette valeur durant 30 minutes. Cette manoeuvre a été répétée sur le même site cutané soit 2 h, soit 4h plus tard. Quant à l'iontophorèse de SNP, elle a été effectuée sur des sites ayant préalablement subi, 2h ou 4h auparavant, un échauffement unique appliqué selon la technique qui vient d'être décrite. Résultats : nous avons observé une atténuation de l'hyperémie thermique lorsque celleci était examinée 2h après un premier échauffement local. Lorsque l'intervalle était de 4h la réponse vasodilatatrice n'était pas réduite. Nous avons également observé une atténuation de la réponse vasodilatatrice au SNP lorsque celui-ci a était appliqué 2h, mais non 4h après un premier échauffement local. Conclusion :cette étude démontre que la réponse vasodilatatrice cutanée induite par l'échauffement local est bien sujette à désensibilisation, comme nous en avions formulé l'hypothèse. Ce phénomène est transitoire. Il est lié, au moins en partie, à une baisse de sensibilité de la microcirculation cutanée aux effets vasodilatateurs du NO.
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We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.
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[spa] El estudio de los procesos a través de los cuales la economía política se ha transformado en una disciplina académica es un área de creciente interés en la historia del pensamiento económico. Dicho estudio se ha abordado a través del análisis de la importancia de la economía política en un conjunto de instituciones, consideradas clave en la expansión de la economía en las sociedades occidentales en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y primeras décadas del XX: universidades, sociedades económicas, publicaciones periódicas de contenido económico y los parlamentos nacionales. Este papel presenta una comparación entre los desarrollos del proceso de institutionalización de la economía política en España e Italia, a través del estudio de la presencia de esta disciplina en las instituciones mencionadas para el periodo 1860-1900. El objetivo es medir la posible existencia de una vía común en la institucionalización de la economía política en ambos países, como un primer paso hacia la elaboración de un modelo supranacional de institucionalización de la economía en este periodo.
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This paper offers empirical evidence from Spain of a connection between the tax administration and the political power. Firstly, the regional tax administration is not immune to the budgetary situation of regional government, and tends to exert a greater (or lesser) effort in tax collection the greater (or lower) the (expected) public deficit. At the same time, the system of unconditional grants from the central layer of government provokes an ¿income effect¿ which disincentivises the efforts of the tax administration. Secondly, these efforts also decrease when the margin to lose a parliamentary seat in an electoral district is cut, although the importance of this disincentive decreases according to the parliamentary strength of the incumbent
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One of the limitations of cross-country health expenditure analysis refers to the fact that the financing, the internal organization and political restraints of health care decision-making are country-specific and heterogeneous. Yet, a potential solution is to examine the influence of such effects in those countries that have undertaken decentralization processes. In such a setting, it is possible to examine potential expenditure spillovers across the geography of a country as well as the influence of the political ideology of regional incumbents on public health expenditure. This paper examines the determinants of public health expenditure within Spanish region-states (Autonomous Communities, ACs), most of them subject to similar financing structures although exhibiting significant heterogeneity as a result of the increasing decentralization, region-specific political factors along with different use of health care inputs, economic dimension and spatial interactions
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This empirical work applies a duration model to the study of factors determining privatization of local water services. I assess how factors determining privatization decision evolve as time goes by. A sample of 133 Spanish municipalities during the six terms of office taken place during the 1980-2002 period is analyzed. A dynamic neighboring effect is hypothesized and successfully tested. In a first stage, private water supply firms may try to expand to regions where there is no service privatized, in order to spread over this region after having being installed thanks to its scale advantages. Other factors influencing privatization decision evolve during the two decades under study, from the priority to fix old infrastructures to the concern about service efficiency. Some complementary results regarding political and budgetary factors are also obtained
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Abstract: Readin films through political classics
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BACKGROUND: In humans, local heating increases skin perfusion by mechanisms dependent on nitric oxide (NO). Because the vascular effects of NO may be subject to desensitization, we examined whether a first local thermal stimulus would attenuate the hyperemic response to a second one applied later. METHODS: Twelve healthy young men were studied. Skin blood flow (SkBF) was measured on forearm skin with laser Doppler imaging. Local thermal stimuli (temperature step from 34 to 41 degrees C maintained for 30 minutes) were applied with temperature-controlled chambers. We also tested the influence of prior local heating on the vasodilation induced by sodium nitroprusside (SNP), a donor of NO. RESULTS: On reheating the same spot after two hours, the response of SkBF (i.e., plateau SkBF at 30 minutes minus SkBF at 34 degrees C) was lower than during the first stimulation (mean+/-SD 404+/-212 perfusion units [PU] vs. 635+/-100 PU; P<0.001). There was no such difference when reheating after four hours (654+/-153 vs. 645+/-103 PU; P=NS). Two, but not four, hours after local heating, the response of SkBF to SNP was reduced. CONCLUSION: The NO-dependent hyperemic response induced by local heating in human skin is subject to desensitization. At least one part of the mechanism implicated consists of a desensitization to the effects of NO itself.
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This dissertation analyses public opinion towards the welfare state across 29 European countries. Based on an interdisciplinary approach combining social psychological, sociological, and public opinion approaches to political opinion formation, it investigates how social position and shared beliefs shape perceived legitimacy of welfare institutions, and how social contexts impact on the processes of opinion formation. Drawing on social representations theory, as well as socialization and self-interest approaches, the dissertation analyses the role of social position in lay support for institutional solidarity. Normative beliefs-defined as preferred views regarding the organisation of social relations-mediate the effect of social position on welfare support. In addition, drawing on public opinion literature, the dissertation analyses opinion formation as a function of country-level structural (e.g., level of social spending, unemployment) and ideological factors (e.g., level of meritocracy). The dissertation comprises two theoretical and four empirical chapters. Three of the empirical chapters use data from the European Social Survey 2008. Using multilevel and typological approaches, the dissertation contributes to welfare attitude literature by showing that normative beliefs, such as distrust or egalitarianism, function as underlying mechanisms that link social position to policy attitudes (Chapter 3), and that characteristics of the national contexts influence the processes of political opinion formation (Chapters 3 and 4). Chapter 5 proposes and predicts a typology of the relationship between attitudes towards solidarity and attitudes towards control, reflecting the two central domains of government intervention. Finally, Chapter 6 examines welfare support in the realm of action and social protest, using data from a survey on Spanish Indigados activists. The findings of this dissertation inform contemporary debates about welfare state legitimacy and retrenchment. - Cette thèse avait pour but d'analyser l'opinion publique envers l'Etat social dans 29 pays européens. Basée sur une approche interdisciplinaire qui combine des perspectives psycho-sociales, sociologiques et d'opinion publique sur la formation d'opinion politique, la thèse étudie comment la position sociale et les croyances partagées façonnent la légitimité perçue des institutions de l'Etat social, et comment les contextes sociaux influencent les processus de formation d'opinion. Basée sur la théorie des représentations sociales, ainsi qu'une approche de socialisation et d'intérêt propre, cette thèse analyse le rôle des positions sociales dans le soutien envers la solidarité institutionnelle. Les croyances normatives-définies comme les visions préférées de l'organisation des rapports sociaux-médiatisent l'effet de la position sociale sur le soutien pour l'Etat social. De plus, s'inspirant de la littérature sur l'opinion publique, la thèse analyse la formation d'opinion en fonction des facteurs structurels (ex. le taux de dépenses sociales, le chômage) et idéologiques (ex. le degré de méritocratie). Cette thèse est composée de deux chapitres théoriques et quatre chapitres empiriques. Trois chapitres empiriques utilisent des données provenant de l'enquête European Social Survey 2008. Appliquant des approches multi-niveux et typoloqiques, la thèse contribue à la littérature sur les attitudes envers l'Etat social en montrant que les croyances normatives, telles que la méfiance ou l'égalitarisme, fonctionnent comme des mécanismes sous-jacents qui relient la position sociale aux attitudes politiques (Chapitre 3), et que les caractéristiques des contextes nationaux influencent les processus de formation d'opinion politique (Chapitres 3 et 4). Le chapitre 5 propose et prédit une typologie sur le rapport entre les attitudes envers la solidarité et celles envers le contrôle, renvoyant à deux domaines centraux de régulation étatique. Enfin, le chapitre 6 examine le soutien à l'Etat social dans le domaine de l'action protestataire, utilisant des données d'une enquête menée auprès des militants espagnols du mouvement des Indignés. Les résultats de cette thèse apportent des éléments qui éclairent les débats contemporains sur la légitimité de l'Etat social et son démantèlement.
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Using an original investigative protocol and a data base of 4,127 national delegates from ten Moroccan political organizations, surveyed between 2008 and 2012, this article examines the characteristics of party members in Morocco. Initial results indicate that the field of Moroccan political parties is a small world dominated by city dwellers, mature men, and the most highly educated, wealthiest individuals. However, far from being isolated from ordinary citizens, there are social dynamics at work. While it cannot be reduced to a segmented clientele, it is, nonetheless, shaped by an ideal-typical opposition between parties of notables and parties of activists.