A mixed-method study to investigate the relationship between the number of social support people present during labour, women’s perceptions and birth outcomes

The birth of a baby is a significant event for women and their families, with the event being influenced by the prevailing social and cultural context. Historically, women throughout the world have given birth at home assisted by other women who helped them cope with the stress of labour and birth. In the middle of the twentieth century, the togetherness, caring and support that were provided within the social and cultural context of childbirth began to change; women in most developed countries, and to some extent in developing countries, laboured and gave birth in institutions that isolated them from the support of family and friends. This practice is referred to as the medical model of childbirth and, over time, birthing within this model has come to be viewed by women as a dehumanising experience. In an attempt to secure a more supportive experience, women began to demand the presence of a supportive companion; namely their partner. This event became the catalyst for a number of studies focusing on different types of support providers and their contribution to the phenomenon of social support during labour. More recently, it has become a common practice for some women to be supported during labour by a number of people from their social network. However, research on the influence of such supportive people on women’s experience of labour and birth and on birth outcomes is scarce. The aim of this study is to examine the influence of various support arrangements from a woman’s family and social network on her experience of labour and birth and on birth outcomes. The mixed-method study was conducted to answer three research questions: 1. Do women with more than one support person present during labour and birth have similar perceptions and experiences of support compared to women with one support person? 2. Do women with more than one support person present during labour and birth have similar birth outcomes compared to women with one support person? 3. Do women with different types of support providers during labour and birth have similar birth outcomes? Methods Phase one of this study developed, pilot tested and administered a newly developed instrument designed to measure women’s perceptions of supportive behaviours provided during labour. Specific birth outcome data were extracted from the medical records. Phase two consisted of in-depth interviews with a sample of women who had completed the survey. Results: The results identified a statistically significant relationship between women’s perceptions of social support and the number of support providers: women supported by one person only rated the supportive behaviours of that person more highly compared to women who were supported by a number of people. The results also identified that women supported by one person used less analgesia. An additional qualitative finding was that some women sacrificed the support of female relatives at the request of their partners. Conclusion: By using a mixed-method approach, this study found that women were selective in their choice of support providers, as they chose individuals with whom they had an enduring affectionate attachment. Women place more emphasis on a support person’s ability to fulfil their attachment needs of close proximity and a sense of security and safety, rather than their ability to provide the expected functional supportive behaviours.

Friend or foe? The impact of the Hawke/Keating neoliberal reforms on Australian workers and the Australian public sector

Over the last three decades neoliberalism has transitioned from occupying the margins of economic policy debate to becoming the dominant approach by governments and their economic advisers, a process that has accelerated with the collapse of the former Stalinist states in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. This thesis adopts a Marxist framework for understanding this process, beginning as it did in the realm of relatively abstract philosophical and ideological debate to the permeation of neoliberal values throughout all capitalist institutions, including the state bureaucracy. This necessarily means a focus on the dialectical relationship between the rise of neoliberalism and the shifting balance of class forces that accompanied the success of the neoliberal project in transforming the dominant economic policy paradigm. The extent to which neoliberal reforms impacted on workers and public sector institutions, along with the success or otherwise of traditional working class institutions in defending the material interests of workers will therefore be a recurring theme throughout this body of work. The evidence borne from this research and analysis suggests a major shift in the dialectic of class struggle in favour of the power of capital over labour during the period covered, with the neoliberal age being one of defeat for a labour movement that largely failed to adopt successful strategies for defending itself.

Sample selection in a model of female labour supply : an alternative approach

Suggests an alternative and computationally simpler approach of non-random sampling of labour economics and represents an observed outcome of an individual female′s choice of whether or not to participate in the labour market. Concludes that there is an alternative to the Heckman two-step estimator.

Editorial of "International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies Volume 3, Number 1, 2010"

The articles in this edition of the International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies engage collectively with how different epistemologies and cultural values inform power relations in different locations, situations and contemporary contexts. As a group, these articles demonstrate, over varying facets, how meaning, communicative intent and interpretive effect are constitutive of power relations between Indigenous people and non Indigenous people. Jackie Grey discusses the labour of belonging as played out in a dispute over Indigenous fishing rights in a small New England town of Aquinnah, located on Noepe Island the traditional lands of the Wampanoag in the United States of America. She reveals the ways in which the jurisdiction of non Indigenous belonging operates discursively and materially to preclude Indigenous rights and self determination. Grey's analysis highlights the incommensurability of Indigenous and non Indigenous belonging that are played out in power relations born of colonisation.

The tarani mutation alters surface curvature in Arabidopsis leaves by perturbing the patterns of surface expansion and cell division

The leaf surface usually stays flat, maintained by coordinated growth. Growth perturbation can introduce overall surface curvature, which can be negative, giving a saddle-shaped leaf, or positive, giving a cup-like leaf. Little is known about the molecular mechanisms that underlie leaf flatness, primarily because only a few mutants with altered surface curvature have been isolated and studied. Characterization of mutants of the CINCINNATA-like TCP genes in Antirrhinum and Arabidopsis have revealed that their products help maintain flatness by balancing the pattern of cell proliferation and surface expansion between the margin and the central zone during leaf morphogenesis. On the other hand, deletion of two homologous PEAPOD genes causes cup-shaped leaves in Arabidopsis due to excess division of dispersed meristemoid cells. Here, we report the isolation and characterization of an Arabidopsis mutant, tarani (tni), with enlarged, cup-shaped leaves. Morphometric analyses showed that the positive curvature of the tni leaf is linked to excess growth at the centre compared to the margin. By monitoring the dynamic pattern of CYCLIN D3;2 expression, we show that the shape of the primary arrest front is strongly convex in growing tni leaves, leading to excess mitotic expansion synchronized with excess cell proliferation at the centre. Reduction of cell proliferation and of endogenous gibberellic acid levels rescued the tni phenotype. Genetic interactions demonstrated that TNI maintains leaf flatness independent of TCPs and PEAPODs.

Calling for resistance: The political economy of Indian and Canadian call centre industries

Call centres have in the last three decades come to define the interaction between corporations, governments, and other institutions and their respective customers, citizens, and members. From telemarketing to tele-health services, to credit card assistance, and even emergency response systems, call centres function as a nexus mediating technologically enabled labour practices with the commodification of services. Because of the ubiquitous nature of the call centre in post-industrial capitalism, the banality of these interactions often overshadows the nature of work and labour in this now-global sector. Advances in telecommunication technologies and the globalization of management practices designed to oversee and maintain standardized labour processes have made call centre work an international phenomenon. Simultaneously, these developments have dislocated assumptions about the geographic and spatial seat of work in what is defined here as the new international division of knowledge labour. The offshoring and outsourcing of call centre employment, part of the larger information technology and information technology enabled services sectors, has become a growing practice amongst governments and corporations in their attempts at controlling costs. Leading offshore destinations for call centre work, such as Canada and India, emerged as prominent locations for call centre work for these reasons. While incredible advances in technology have permitted the use of distant and “offshore” labour forces, the grander reshaping of an international political economy of communications has allowed for the acceleration of these processes. New and established labour unions have responded to these changes in the global regimes of work by seeking to organize call centre workers. These efforts have been assisted by a range of forces, not least of which is the condition of work itself, but also attempts by global union federations to build a bridge between international unionism and local organizing campaigns in the Global South and Global North. Through an examination of trade union interventions in the call centre industries located in Canada and India, this dissertation contributes to research on post-industrial employment by using political economy as a juncture between development studies, critical communications, and labour studies.

When did Britain industrialise? The sectoral distribution of the labour force and labour productivity in Britain, 1381-1851

Britain's labour force industrialised early. The industrial and service sectors already accounted for 40% of the labour force in 1381, and a substantial further shift of labour out of agriculture occurred between 1522 and 1700. From the early seventeenth century rising agricultural labour productivity underpinned steadily increasing employment in industry and services, so that by 1759 agriculture's share of the labour force had shrunk to 37% and industry's grown to 34%. Thereafter, industry's output acceleration during the Industrial Revolution owed more to gains in labour productivity consequent upon mechanisation than the expansion of employment.

Labour Law as Human Rights Law: A Critique of the Use of ‘Dignity’ by Freedland and Kountouris

In their recent book, The Legal Construction of Personal Work Relations, Mark Freedland and Nicola Kountouris present an ambitious study of the personal scope of (what they would not want to call) ‘employment’ law. The book does this within a broader argument that calls for the reconceptualization of labour law as a whole, and it is this broader argument on which I shall focus in this chapter. Their aim, in urging us to see labour law through the lens of ‘dignity’ is to bring labour law and human rights law into closer alignment than has sometimes been the case in the past. Increasingly, dignity is seen as providing a, sometimes the, foundation of human rights law, particularly in Europe. I shall suggest that whilst the aim of constructing a new set of foundations for labour law is a worthy and increasingly urgent task, the concepts on which Freedland and Kountouris seek to build their project pose significant difficulties. In particular, their espousal of ‘dignity’ presents problems that must be addressed if their reconceptualization is not to prove a blind alley.

The autobiographical you: letters in the gendered politics of the labour movement.

In this article, I consider the importance of epistolary narratives in the interface of autobiography and politics. In doing this, I read the letters of Fannia Mary Cohn, a Jewish immigrant worker, trade union activist and ardent labour organizer in the garment industry in the USA in the first half of the twentieth century. Cohn was a prolific writer and political activist and left a rich body of labour literature, but never wrote an autobiography or a diary or journal. It is in her letters to her comrades and friends in the labour movement that short autobiographical stories erupt and it is on such stories across her correspondence that this article focuses. The analysis is informed by Hannah Arendt’s theorization of narratives in their interrelation with politics and history. Drawing on a rich body of feminist literature around the relational self, what I argue is that an Arendtian reading of epistolary narratives is a useful analytical tool in understanding gendered politics in the diverse histories of the labour movement.

Georg Lukács as a Communications Scholar: Cultural and Digital Labour in the Context of Lukács’ Ontology of Social Being

The task of this work is to apply thoughts from Georg Lukács’ final book, the Ontology of Social Being, for the theoretical analysis of cultural and digital labour. It discusses Lukács’ concepts of work and communication and relates them to the analysis of cultural and digital work. It also analyses his conception of the relation of labour and ideology and points out how we can make use of it for critically understanding social media ideologies. Lukács opposes the dualist separation of the realms of work and ideas. He introduces in this context the notion of teleological positing that allows us to better understand cultural and digital labour as well as associated ideologies, such as the engaging/connecting/sharing-ideology, today. The analysis shows that Lukács’ Ontology is in the age of Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter still a very relevant book, although it has thus far not received the attention that it deserves. This article also introduces the Ontology’s main ideas on work and culture, which is important because large parts of the book have not been translated from the German original into English. Lukács’ notion of teleological positing is crucial for understanding the common features of the economy and culture.

Women's Attachment as a Predictor of Pain During Labour and Post-Delivery: a Prospective Observational Study

INTRODUCTION: Labour is considered to be one of the most painful and significant experiences in a woman's life. The aim of this study was to examine whether women's attachment style is a predictor of the pain experienced throughout labour and post-delivery. MATERIAL AND METHODS:Thirty-two pregnant women were assessed during the third trimester of pregnancy and during labour. Adult attachment was assessed with the Adult Attachment Scale ' Revised. The perceived intensity of labour pain was measured using a visual analogue scale for pain in the early stage of labour, throughout labour and post-delivery. RESULTS:Women with an insecure attachment style reported more pain at 3 cm of cervical dilatation (p < 0.05), before the administration of analgesia (p < 0.01) and post-delivery (p < 0.05) than those securely attached. In multivariate models, attachment style was a significant predictor of labour pain at 3 cm of cervical dilatation and before the first administration of analgesia but not of the perceived pain post-delivery. DISCUSSION: These findings confirm that labour pain is influenced by relevant psychological factors and suggest that a woman's attachment style may be a risk factor for greater pain during labour. CONCLUSION:Future studies in the context of obstetric pain may consider the attachment style as an indicator of individual differences in the pain response during labour. This may have important implications in anaesthesiology and to promote a relevant shift in institutional practices and therapeutic procedures.

The quality of life as perceived by students in the Business Division, Niagara College

within the Business Division of Niagara College of Arts and Technology, 245 students were utilised for a convenience stratified sample of First, Second, and Third Year ,students. The students answered 33 items regarding their Quality of Program and 40 concerning their Quality of Life, along with demographic and motivational questions and open comments. The responses were classified using an SPSS/PC statistical package and frequency statistics extracted. The data were examined for the entire sample and also for each year within the Business Division. There were high positive responses to both QOP andQOL items. However, there was greater satisfaction for students in First Year Accelerated, Second Year and Third Year than First Year. All students noted high satisfaction for the overall assessment of the program. There were lower positive responses for Professor Items where students were unsure if teachers helped them to do their best or took a personal interest in helping students do their best. This may highlight problems which need attention in the Freshman year. The area where all students were most neutral was regarding how others view them which raises questions of the self-esteem of students at Niagara College. The implications from this study seem to suggest that well-motivated, small, closely identified groups with interactive teaching methods lead to positive QOL and QOP.

A crisis of social democracy : organized labour and the NDP in an era of neoliberalism

The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.

Street-level labour inspection in China and the implementation of ILO Convention No.155 concerning occupational safety and health

Les relations de travail et d'emploi sont devenues des enjeux importants en Chine. La Chine a ratifié 25 conventions internationales du travail et a travaillé en étroite collaboration avec l'OIT pour améliorer la sécurité et la santé au travail. Malgré ces efforts, la Chine est souvent critiquée pour des violations du travail. Face à ces problèmes, un système législatif d'administration de travail a été développé au niveau national. Mais l’application de ces règlements demeure problématique.. En particulier, les difficultés rencontrées par les inspecteurs du travail dans l'application de ces lois constituent un élément clé du problème. Notre mémoire s'intéresse essentiellement au rôle de l'inspecteur du travail dans l'administration publique de la sécurité du travail en Chine. Ces fonctionnaires jouent un rôle important et peuvent parfois exercer leur discrétion en tant qu'acteurs de première ligne, faisant d'eux de vrais décideurs politiques. Par conséquent, la compréhension de leur rôle et de leur discrétion dans l'application des normes du travail en Chine est cruciale. Notre mémoire est centré sur une étude de cas qualitative d'un bureau d'inspection du travail dans la région de Beijing. Dans le cadre de notre recherche nous avons examiné le rôle des inspecteurs du travail au moyen d’entretiens semi-structurés, d’une recherche documentaire ainsi qu’à l’occasion d’une brève observation des inspecteurs sur lors de la visite d’un lieu de travail. Les résultats démontrent que la définition du pouvoir discrétionnaire des inspecteurs du travail de première ligne en Chine est un enjeu très complexe. L’étude de cas permet cependant d’élaborer un cadre permettant l’identification des facteurs critiques déterminants pour l'évaluation et la compréhension de la nature du pouvoir discrétionnaire de l'inspecteur du travail en application de la loi.

Asymmetric cell division intersects with cell geometry : a method to extrapolate and quantify geometrical parameters of sensory organ precursors

La division cellulaire asymétrique (DCA) consiste en une division pendant laquelle des déterminants cellulaires sont distribués préférentiellement dans une des deux cellules filles. Par l’action de ces déterminants, la DCA générera donc deux cellules filles différentes. Ainsi, la DCA est importante pour générer la diversité cellulaire et pour maintenir l’homéostasie de certaines cellules souches. Pour induire une répartition asymétrique des déterminants cellulaires, le positionnement du fuseau mitotique doit être très bien contrôlé. Fréquemment ceci génère deux cellules filles de tailles différentes, car le fuseau mitotique n’est pas centré pendant la mitose, ce qui induit un positionnement asymétrique du sillon de clivage. Bien qu’un complexe impliquant des GTPases hétérotrimériques et des protéines liant les microtubules au cortex ait été impliqué directement dans le positionnement du fuseau mitotique, le mécanisme exact induisant le positionnement asymétrique du fuseau durant la DCA n'est pas encore compris. Des études récentes suggèrent qu’une régulation asymétrique du cytosquelette d’actine pourrait être responsable de ce positionnement asymétrique du faisceau mitotique. Donc, nous émettons l'hypothèse que des contractions asymétriques d’actine pendant la division cellulaire pourraient déplacer le fuseau mitotique et le sillon de clivage pour créer une asymétrie cellulaire. Nos résultats préliminaires ont démontré que le blebbing cortical, qui est une indication de tension corticale et de contraction, se produit préférentiellement dans la moitié antérieure de cellule précurseur d’organes sensoriels (SOP) pendant le stage de télophase. Nos données soutiennent l'idée que les petites GTPases de la famille Rho pourraient être impliqués dans la régulation du fuseau mitotique et ainsi contrôler la DCA des SOP. Les paramètres expérimentaux développés pour cette thèse, pour étudier la régulation de l’orientation et le positionnement du fuseau mitotique, ouvrirons de nouvelles avenues pour contrôler ce processus, ce qui pourrait être utile pour freiner la progression de cellules cancéreuses. Les résultats préliminaires de ce projet proposeront une manière dont les petites GTPases de la famille Rho peuvent être impliqués dans le contrôle de la division cellulaire asymétrique in vivo dans les SOP. Les modèles théoriques qui sont expliqués dans cette étude pourront servir à améliorer les méthodes quantitatives de biologie cellulaire de la DCA.