A monopolização territorial e a (re) construção do território camponês em projetos de assentamento de reforma agrária

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Crise de hegemonia e emergência de novos atores na Bolívia: o governo de Evo Morales

The presidency of Evo Morales, indigenous leader and who heads the party Movement Towards Socialism (MAS), opens a series of transformations in several dimensions. The changes in socio-economic and political power express the critic of long-term coloniality relations between a dominant white elite and an indigenous subordinate majority that deepens after national independence. Following this perspective, present in sectors of support to the government, the strategy of the MAS cannot follow the tradition of social revolutions that operated structural breaks in the mode of production and the state organization, but points to a new decolonizing revolution, cultural and political, articulating an indigenism of broad nature, flexible and open to popular social movements. This view is facing critics in sectors of the left that identify the renewal of capitalist modernization process initiated in 1952 under the leadership of the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (MNR), extending citizenship and democratizing access to the state for recognition of Indians as such. From this perspective, the transformations proposed by MAS tend to favor a system restoration by diversifying its economic and social base. From the contrast provided by these two lines of interpretation, we intend to analyze the structural possibilities of the strategy of the government of Evo Morales, taking as historical reference the transformations wrought by the nationalist revolution of 1952 and the neoliberal reforms initiated in 1980.

Planeamiento y análisis integral del paisaje de la cuenca hidrográfica del río buenavista provincia de Manabí-Ecuador para la implementación de políticas de incentivos a la restauración de ecosistemas con fines de conservación (programa socio Bosque-Ecuador)

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

Sulle tracce di Michel Leiris: possessione e medicina tradizionale nell’Etiopia settentrionale. Dimensione teatrale, religiosa, terapeutica, socio-politica.

La tesi si divide in due parti: nella prima si esamina l'esperienza etnografica condotta da M. Leiris durante la missione Dakar-Gibuti (1931-33) con riferimento alla studio della possessione a Gondar. Nella seconda parte si dà conto del lavoro sul terreno condotto dalla dottoranda nel Wollo a contatto con guaritori. Seguono appendici documentarie e iconografiche.

The Making of a Shiite Bourgeoisie in Lebanon Political Mobilisation, Economic Resources and Formation of a Social Group

The thesis analyses the making of the Shiite middle- and upper/entrepreneurial-class in Lebanon from the 1960s till the present day. The trajectory explores the historical, political and social (internal and external) factors that brought a sub-proletariat to mobilise and become an entrepreneurial bourgeoisie in the span of less than three generations. This work proposes the main theoretical hypothesis to unpack and reveal the trajectory of a very recent social class that through education, diaspora, political and social mobilisation evolved in a few years into a very peculiar bourgeoisie: whereas Christian-Maronite middle class practically produced political formations and benefited from them and from Maronite’s state supremacy (National Pact, 1943) reinforcing the community’s status quo, Shiites built their own bourgeoisie from within, and mobilised their “cadres” (Boltanski) not just to benefit from their renovated presence at the state level, but to oppose to it. The general Social Movement Theory (SMT), as well as a vast amount of the literature on (middle) class formation are therefore largely contradicted, opening up new territories for discussion on how to build a bourgeoisie without the state’s support (Social Mobilisation Theory, Resource Mobilisation Theory) and if, eventually, the middle class always produces democratic movements (the emergence of a social group out of backwardness and isolation into near dominance of a political order). The middle/upper class described here is at once an economic class related to the control of multiple forms of capital, and produced by local, national, and transnational networks related to flows of services, money, and education, and a culturally constructed social location and identity structured by economic as well as other forms of capital in relation to other groups in Lebanon.

The Tea Party and Social Movements

The recent rise of the Tea Party movement has added a new dimension to our discussion of domestic politics. The main question is: what effect will the Tea Party have on the political landscape? The best way to answer this question is to place the Tea Party in historical and theoretical context, in order to discuss what type of social movement the Tea Party is and what impact it might have. To this end, I will define and discuss the two major literatures in socialmovement theory: Issue Evolution and Political Process theory. This theoretical framework will provide the basis for a more concrete definition of the Tea Party movement itself. I will attemptto define the Tea Party movement based on its demographics, goals and political successes and will discuss it within the context of this theoretical framework. In addition, I will discuss four landmark social movements within our country’s history through the lens of the theoretical framework. I have found that successful movements rely on a combination of internal organizations and networks and external political opportunities to achieve and maintain nationalrelevance. In the end, I will come to the conclusion that the Tea Party will not likely have a major lasting impact on the political arena. It lacks key parts of the internal structure that makes some movements, such as the Civil Rights movement, so influential. But in the short term it will succeed in pushing the Republican Party towards a more fiscally conservative position.

From Elitism through Corporatism to Pluralism? The Role of Elites in the Political Transition of Ukraine

The group set out to analyse the dynamics of elite groups in Ukraine today, both internal and inter-group, and their ideas on major socio-economic, political and foreign policies, in order to identify the degree of competitiveness between groups, methods of elite recruitment and the degree of elite response, which influence both the political agenda and the results of political activity. Having observed the contemporary debate and identified the pre-eminence of various elite groups in the decision-making process at the regional and state levels, they also sought to determine the type and degree of elite consensus which might be achieved in contemporary Ukraine. They also considered the extent of concealed power, in terms of covert interaction more characteristic of corporate societies, which might allow for the abuse of authority within a technically democratic system. The group then went on to consider the stages of counter-elite transformation and the continuing importance of the communist elite, as well as the issue of rivalry versus consensus. They see their findings as relevant not only to the Central and Eastern European context but also to the situation in Latin America today.

Development of Socio-Economic Behaviour and Attitudes of Baltic Nationalities: Perspectives for Integration with Europe

This project is the third stage of a comparative research project, The New Baltic Barometer, which was carried out simultaneously with the "New Democracies Barometer" of the Paul Lazerfeld Society (Vienna) and The Russian Barometer. It studied the opinion and behaviour of the largest Baltic ethnic groups (Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians). The main focus was on the attitudes of Baltic residents towards the changes in the economic and political system, attitudes towards political values, political trust, and attitudes to the Baltic countries joining the European Union. An analysis of macroeconomic indicators of the Baltic states made it possible to deduce the link between the country's economic development, and satisfaction with the political regime and attitudes towards democratic values. The study analysed the conditions for the democratisation of society, i.e. the development of culture and public opinion in the Baltic states. Attention was also paid to the development of a social network of individuals, showing the transition from informal networks to impersonal institutions. The group concluded that the participation of residents in formal organisations, NGOs in particular, considerably fosters political trust and also increases political efficacy. Participation in formal organisations also reduces the importance of esteem for an authoritarian leader.

Lessons Learned from 'Hall of Socialism': Juxtaposing Finnish-American Radicalism with Today's Protest Movements

Historical accounts of revolutionary movements oftentimes occlude the pleasures of countering hegemony or criticize the “frivolity” of what is perceived to be non-political activities. However, turn of the century Finnish-American socialist theater clubs and early twentieth century Finnish-American communist halls and their uncounted social groups and activities prove to be a rich resource in reconsidering the importance of acknowledging and understanding the role that pleasure has played and should play in political protest. Finnish-American radical activities, especially those condemned already at the time as hall socialism, are important historical precedents to today’s alter-globalization student festivals and protest concerts, midnight raves

Nonverbal synchrony in social interactions of patients with schizophrenia indicates socio-communicative deficits

Background Disordered interpersonal communication can be a serious problem in schizophrenia. Recent advances in computer-based measures allow reliable and objective quantification of nonverbal behavior. Research using these novel measures has shown that objective amounts of body and head movement in patients with schizophrenia during social interactions are closely related to the symptom profiles of these patients. In addition to and above mere amounts of movement, the degree of synchrony, or imitation, between patients and normal interactants may be indicative of core deficits underlying various problems in domains related to interpersonal communication, such as symptoms, social competence, and social functioning. Methods Nonverbal synchrony was assessed objectively using Motion Energy Analysis (MEA) in 378 brief, videotaped role-play scenes involving 27 stabilized outpatients diagnosed with paranoid-type schizophrenia. Results Low nonverbal synchrony was indicative of symptoms, low social competence, impaired social functioning, and low self-evaluation of competence. These relationships remained largely significant when correcting for the amounts of patients‘ movement. When patients showed reduced imitation of their interactants’ movements, negative symptoms were likely to be prominent. Conversely, positive symptoms were more prominent in patients when their interaction partners’ imitation of their movements was reduced. Conclusions Nonverbal synchrony can be an objective and sensitive indicator of the severity of patients’ problems. Furthermore, quantitative analysis of nonverbal synchrony may provide novel insights into specific relationships between symptoms, cognition, and core communicative problems in schizophrenia.

Prácticas socio comunitarias en el trayecto formativo del profesional de Educación Especial

El artículo presenta la incorporación de prácticas socio-comunitaria durante el trayecto de formación de grado de Profesores y Licenciados en Educación Especial en la Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto. Desde un marco institucional, las prácticas socio-comunitarias se entienden como experiencias de aprendizaje de contenidos académicos orientadas por los docentes, realizadas con sectores de la comunidad excluidos de la vida económica, política, social y cultural, dirigida a contribuir a la comprensión, abordaje o resolución de problemáticas sociales críticas. Se trata que los estudiantes aprendan contenidos de sus respectivos campos profesionales participando en experiencias socio-comunitarias. Se hace referencia a una experiencia en la asignatura “Planeamiento Institucional" , cuyo propósito es aportar a la formación de los alumnos del Profesorado de Educación Especial mediante la construcción de competencias profesionales establecidas en el perfil del egresado tales como: “Planificar, ejecutar y evaluar proyectos de educación especial en diferentes contextos institucionales y grupales".La práctica socio-comunitaria consistió en la ejecución de un relevamiento socio-educativo en diversos barrios de la ciudad como parte del Programa Alfabetizando que coordina la Sub-Secretaría de Educación de la Municipalidad de Río Cuarto.

Intervención judicial y contexto socio cultural : la puesta en marcha de un trabajo interdisciplinario "in situ"

Partiendo de una noción de acceso a la justicia, que no se restringe únicamente al acceso formal de los ciudadanos al sistema judicial y al adecuado ejercicio de derechos ante los Tribunales de Justicia, sino que también abarca la Prevención y Promoción de Derechos, la Solución Colaborativa de Conflictos, la Revisión y Propuesta de las Actuaciones Públicas mediante Acciones de Interés Público y Propuestas Legislativas; se implementaron, desde la Institución Judicial (Juzgado de Familia de Tupungato), acciones en el marco de buenas prácticas que se sustentas en tres ejes: Construcción de Ciudadanía, Desarrollo Humano Sustentable y Redes Sociales. Las mismas tienden a fortalecer las conexiones entre estructuras formales e informales de la comunidad, a fin de proveer efectivamente el Acceso a la Justicia a grupos que de otra manera podrían estar excluidos de ella y a la vez favorecer el empoderamiento de los grupos vulnerables en la búsqueda de soluciones a situaciones injustas en el ámbito de los procesos tramitan por ante los Juzgados de Familia. En dicho marco, el Juzgado referido puso en marcha un Juzgado Móvil que plantea una metodología de abordaje interdisciplinario, donde la intervención del Trabajador Social resulta relevante.

Las fronteras cambiantes entre lo político y lo social : Aportes etnográficos al debate en torno de "el 2001" en Argentina

En Argentina, las concepciones disciplinarias sobre la política se han visto desafiadas por "el 2001". Las etnografías sobre procesos de estatalización barrial escritas en ese contexto pueden comprenderse como una respuesta singular a este desafío. Especialmente, los análisis etnográficos han discutido los supuestos normativos implícitos en ciertas dicotomías: "movimientos sociales" - "clientelismo", "autonomía" - "cooptación", "resistencia" - "subordinación", "nuevo" - "viejo", "proyecto" - "urgencia". Estas etnografías suelen privilegiar el análisis de los acontecimientos presenciados por el investigador en tiempo presente. Leídas comparativamente, sin embargo, parecen dar cuenta de un cierto orden en las diferencias que propongo interpretar desde una mirada histórica. Más específicamente, me interesa profundizar en la elucidación de los sentidos de "el 2001" (su antes y su después) en las experiencias de la política de las personas descriptas etnográficamente. Dentro de este marco, he trabajado un punto de encuentro entre las etnografías: cómo las personas definen sus prácticas en la relación entre "trabajo", "barrio" y "política"

El MST en Brasil y las organizaciones sociales kirchneristas en Argentina : Roles, identificación y relaciones dentro del conglomerado oficialista

En el marco de una investigación más amplia que examina en forma comparada los oficialismos de Lula en Brasil y de Kirchner en Argentina durante 2005-2006, el presente trabajo se propone estudiar, la relación que algunos movimientos sociales mantuvieron con el gobierno, como parte integral o como aliados del mismo, en el período consignado. En ese sentido, el Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), en Brasil, y organizaciones como la Federación Tierra y Vivienda (FTV), el Frente Transversal Nacional y Popular, el Movimiento Evita, y Libres del Sur, en Argentina, constituyen uno de los distintos sujetos de dos conjuntos oficialistas que difícilmente puedan ser caracterizados, como se hacía en el pasado, como "partido oficial" o "coaliciones de partidos". Los oficialismos en cuestión no sólo aglutinan en su seno a un conglomerado muy heterogéneo de actores políticos individuales y de dirigentes de múltiples fuerzas y sellos partidarios -con sus respectivas redes de poder territorial-, sino que incluyen también a estas organizaciones populares, protagonistas de históricos procesos de amplia movilización y lucha social. ¿Qué identidad reivindican esas organizaciones en su apoyo al gobierno? ¿Cómo conciben su propio rol dentro del oficialismo? ¿Cómo definen a ese conjunto al que pertenecen o se asocian? ¿Cuál es su relación con el presidente?