972 resultados para child law
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This card outlines the key skills, causes for concern and management options for children aged 24 months and 30 months.
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This booklet provides parents with information on the first four years of the child health programme for all families in Northern Ireland.
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INTRODUCTION: HIV-infected pregnant women are very likely to engage in HIV medical care to prevent transmission of HIV to their newborn. After delivery, however, childcare and competing commitments might lead to disengagement from HIV care. The aim of this study was to quantify loss to follow-up (LTFU) from HIV care after delivery and to identify risk factors for LTFU. METHODS: We used data on 719 pregnancies within the Swiss HIV Cohort Study from 1996 to 2012 and with information on follow-up visits available. Two LTFU events were defined: no clinical visit for >180 days and no visit for >360 days in the year after delivery. Logistic regression analysis was used to identify risk factors for a LTFU event after delivery. RESULTS: Median maternal age at delivery was 32 years (IQR 28-36), 357 (49%) women were black, 280 (39%) white, 56 (8%) Asian and 4% other ethnicities. One hundred and seven (15%) women reported any history of IDU. The majority (524, 73%) of women received their HIV diagnosis before pregnancy, most of those (413, 79%) had lived with diagnosed HIV longer than three years and two-thirds (342, 65%) were already on antiretroviral therapy (ART) at time of conception. Of the 181 women diagnosed during pregnancy by a screening test, 80 (44%) were diagnosed in the first trimester, 67 (37%) in the second and 34 (19%) in the third trimester. Of 357 (69%) women who had been seen in HIV medical care during three months before conception, 93% achieved an undetectable HIV viral load (VL) at delivery. Of 62 (12%) women with the last medical visit more than six months before conception, only 72% achieved an undetectable VL (p=0.001). Overall, 247 (34%) women were LTFU over 180 days in the year after delivery and 86 (12%) women were LTFU over 360 days with 43 (50%) of those women returning. Being LTFU for 180 days was significantly associated with history of intravenous drug use (aOR 1.73, 95% CI 1.09-2.77, p=0.021) and not achieving an undetectable VL at delivery (aOR 1.79, 95% CI 1.03-3.11, p=0.040) after adjusting for maternal age, ethnicity, time of HIV diagnosis and being on ART at conception. CONCLUSIONS: Women with a history of IDU and women with a detectable VL at delivery were more likely to be LTFU after delivery. This is of concern regarding their own health, as well as risk for sexual partners and subsequent pregnancies. Further strategies should be developed to enhance retention in medical care beyond pregnancy.
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Divorce and remarriage usually imply a redefinition of family boundaries, with consequences for the production and availability of social capital. This research shows that bonding and bridging social capitals are differentially made available by families. It first hypothesizes that bridging social capital is more likely to be developed in stepfamilies, and bonding social capital in first-time families. Second, the boundaries of family configurations are expected to vary within stepfamilies and within first-time families creating a diversity of family configurations within both structures. Third, in both cases, social capital is expected to depend on the ways in which their family boundaries are set up by individuals by including or excluding ex-partners, new partner's children, siblings, and other family ties. The study is based on a sample of 300 female respondents who have at least one child of their own between 5 and 13 years, 150 from a stepfamily structure and 150 from a first-time family structure. Social capital is empirically operationalized as perceived emotional support in family networks. The results show that individuals in first-time families more often develop bonding social capital and individuals in stepfamilies bridging social capital. In both cases, however, individuals in family configurations based on close blood and conjugal ties more frequently develop bonding social capital, whereas individuals in family configurations based on in-law, stepfamily or friendship ties are more likely to develop bridging social capital.
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As a parent, you can teach your children habits and skills to last them a lifetime. This booklet is full of practical advice for parents on how to make small changes to your children’s diet and physical activity habits. Small changes which could make a difference to their future health.
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Cognitive errors (CE) and coping strategies (CS) are the focus of most cognitive-behavioral treatments for incarcerated child molesters. Several studies have reported differences in CEs and CSs between child molesters and controls. However, the vast majority of these studies assessed cognitive errors and coping using questionnaires, which are known to present a number of important limitations. This pilot study aimed to compare the CEs and CSs of N = 17 incarcerated child abusers and N = 12 controls using observer-rated methods, namely the Cognitive Error Rating Scale (CERS; Drapeau et al., 2005) and the Coping Action Pattern Rating Scale (CAPRS; Perry, Drapeau, & Dunkley, 2005). Results showed that child molesters presented more cognitive errors, in particular positive selective abstraction, and lower coping functioning, such as escape strategies. Treatment and research implications, including the use of observer-rated methods, are discussed.
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A total of 190 research documents were identified in line with the criteria agreed between the researchers and the CAAB, and are included in the audit. The key findings from the analysis of the audit are as follows:Â Â - Research identified in the audit has tended to focus on child protection and the child protection system generally, as well as sexual abuse. This research has primarily been undertaken by clinicians and academics, and spans across sectors. Â - Over half, (110 or 58%) of the research falls under the heading of policy/practice reviews/analysis. This is further reflected in the fact that the research most commonly focused on operating procedures, followed by practice issues and the policy framework, both in studies with a single focus and those with multiple foci. Â - The most common type of publication was peer reviewed article (74 or 39%), with commissioned research accounting for just 7% (13). This is in line with the findings that 68% (128) of commissioning/publishing bodies and 74% (139) of research bodies were in the academic sector. Â - The research published and/or commissioned by the statutory sector follows the pattern found in the audit generally, with the most common type of study being policy/practice review/analysis (27 or 48%) and the most common focus being operating procedures (22 or 39%). Â - Information sources rarely incorporated primary research with children, with only 14 studies (8%) citing direct contact with children and young people. Information on children was more commonly gathered from case files, professionals and family members. Â - The topics covered in the identified research were very wide-ranging but closely related to the primary subject area (type of abuse) and the sector in which the research was located. Â One conclusion stated that: There is a shortage of child protection-focused research on the factors that cause and perpetuate child abuse, such as homelessness, addiction, parental mental illness and domestic violence. The need for material on these areas is demonstrated by the nature and scale of reports to the child protection system and the removal of some children from their families into out of home care as a result of the above mentioned adversities.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.
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16,080 Irish children (1.55% of population under 18 yrs.) availing of Community Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services  7,849 new cases were seen by community CAMHS teams between October 2010 and September 2011,compared with 7,561 in the previous 12 months  45% of referrals are seen within 1 month of referral and 69% within 3 months  Numbers waiting for CAMHS services down by 20%  61 multi-disciplinary Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services teams in place .This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.
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Information about drugs and alcohol - what parents need to know: information for parents, carers and anyone who works with young people. About this leaflet This is one in a series of leaflets for parents, teachers and young people entitled Mental Health and Growing Up. These leaflets aim to provide practical, up-to-date information about mental health problems (emotional, behavioural and psychiatric disorders) that can affect children and young people. This leaflet offers practical advice for parents, teachers and carers who are worried that a young person is misusing drugs or alcohol. Why do I need to know about a young person using drugs or alcohol? Many young people smoke, drink alcohol and may try drugs. It is important you are aware of this and do not ignore it as a time when they are just having fun or experimenting. It doesnââ,¬â"¢t take much for the young people to soon lose control and to need help to recover from this problem. How common is it? By the age of 16, up to half of young people have tried an illegal drug. Young people are trying drugs earlier and more are drinking alcohol. What are the different types of drugs which cause problems? The most commonly used, readily available and strongly addictive drugs are tobacco and alcohol. There are numerous others that can be addictive. Alcohol and cannabis are sometimes seen as ââ,¬Ëogatewayââ,¬â"¢ drugs that lead to the world of other drugs like cocaine and heroin. Drugs are also classed as ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,¬â"¢ andââ,¬Ëoillegalââ,¬â"¢. The obviously illegal drugs include cannabis (hash), speed (amphetamines), ecstasy (E), cocaine and heroin. Using ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,¬â"¢ drugs (like cigarettes, alcohol, petrol, glue) does not mean they are safe or allowed to be misused. It just means they may be bought or sold for specific purposes and are limited to use by specific age groups. There are clear laws regarding alcohol and young people. For more detailed information on various drugs, their side-effects and the law, see ââ,¬ËoFurther Informationââ,¬â"¢ at the end of the factsheet. Why do young people use drugs or alcohol? Young people may try or use drugs or alcohol for various reasons. They may do it for fun, because they are curious, or to be like their friends. Some are experimenting with the feeling of intoxication. Sometimes they use it to cope with difficult situations or feelings of worry and low mood. A young person is more likely to try or use drugs or alcohol if they hang out or stay with friends or family who use them. What can be the problems related to using drugs or alcohol? Drugs and alcohol can have different effects on different people. In young people especially the effects can be unpredictable and potentially dangerous. Even medications for sleep or painkillers can be addictive and harmful if not used the way they are prescribed by a doctor. Drugs and alcohol can damage health. Sharing needles or equipment can cause serious infections, such as HIV and hepatitis. Accidents, arguments and fights are more likely after drinking and drug use. Young people are more likely to engage in unprotected sex when using drugs. Using drugs can lead to serious mental illnesses, such as psychosis and depression. When does it become addiction or problem? It is very difficult to know when exactly using drugs or alcohol is more than just ââ,¬Ëocasualââ,¬â"¢. Addiction becomes more obvious when the young person spends most of their time thinking about, looking for or using drugs. Drugs or alcohol then become the focus of the young personââ,¬â"¢s life. They ignore their usual work, such as not doing their schoolwork, or stop doing their usual hobbies/sports such as dancing or football. How do I know if there is a problem or addiction? Occasional use can be very difficult to detect. If the young person is using on a regular basis, their behaviour often changes. Look for signs such as: ïâ?s§ unexplained moodiness ïâ?s§ behaviour that is ââ,¬Ëoout of character' ïâ?s§ loss of interest in school or friends ïâ?s§ unexplained loss of clothes or money ïâ?s§ unusual smells and items like silver foil, needle covers. Remember, the above changes can also mean other problems, such as depression, rather than using drugs. What do I do if I am worried? If you suspect young person is using drugs, remember some general rules. ïâ?s§ Pay attention to what the child is doing, including schoolwork, friends and leisure time. ïâ?s§ Learn about the effects of alcohol and drugs (see websites listed below). ïâ?s§ Listen to what the child says about alcohol and drugs, and talk about it with them. ïâ?s§ Encourage the young person to be informed and responsible about drugs and alcohol. ïâ?s§ Talk to other parents, friends or teachers about drugs - the facts and your fears and seek help. If someone in the family or close friend is using drugs or alcohol, it is important that they seek help too. It may be hard to expect the young person to give up, especially if a parent or carer is using it too. My child is abusing drugs. What do I do? ïâ?s§ If your child is using drugs or alcohol, seek help. ïâ?s§ Do stay calm and make sure of facts. ïâ?s§ Don't give up on them, get into long debates or arguments when they are drunk, stoned or high. ïâ?s§ Donââ,¬â"¢t be angry or blame themââ,¬â?othey need your help and trust to make journey of recovery. Where can I get help? You can talk in confidence to a professional like your GP or practice nurse, a local drug project or your local child and adolescent mental health. They can refer your child to relevant services and they will be able to offer you advice and support. You may also be able to seek help through a school nurse, teacher or social worker. You can find this information from your local area telephone book or council website, or ask for the address from your health centre. [For the full factsheet, click on the link above]This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.
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Overview Part One • Background/context  – defining and thinking about health • The role of the health psychologist • Promoting the psychosocial well being of children and young people • Early intervention and prevention in Ireland • Intervening in the lives of children with emotional and behavioural difficulties  Part Two • Case-study  – The Incredible Years Ireland Study: theory, practice and research  Part Three • Some key considerations in intervention science for research, policy and practice with children and young people  Sinead McGilloway: Putting children first. The role of health psychology
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A boy with a right congenital hemiparesis due to a left pre-natal middle cerebral artery infarct developed focal epilepsy at 33 months and then an insidious and subsequently more rapid, massive cognitive and behavioural regression with a frontal syndrome between the ages of 4 and 5 years with continuous spike-waves during sleep (CSWS) on the EEG. Both the epilepsy and the CSWS were immediately suppressed by hemispherotomy at the age of 5 years and 4 months. A behavioural-cognitive follow-up prior to hemispherotomy, an per-operative EEG and corticography and serial post-operative neuropsychological assessments were performed until the age of 11 years. The spread of the epileptic activity to the "healthy" frontal region was the cause of the reversible frontal syndrome. A later gradual long-term but incomplete cognitive recovery, with moderate mental disability was documented. This outcome is probably explained by another facet of the epilepsy, namely the structural effects of prolonged epileptic discharges in rapidly developing cerebral networks which are, at the same time undergoing the reorganization imposed by a unilateral early hemispheric lesion. Group studies on the outcome of children before and after hemispherectomy using only single IQ measures, pre- and post-operatively, may miss particular epileptic cognitive dysfunctions as they are likely to be different from case to case. Such detailed and rarely available complementary clinical and EEG data obtained in a single case at different time periods in relation to the epilepsy, including per-operative electrophysiological findings, may help to understand the different cognitive deficits and recovery profiles and the limits of full cognitive recovery.
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This paper offers a reflection on the family life and that of the siblings of a child with cancer. We will present our intervention model developed jointly by the pediatric oncology and the pediatric psychiatry units at the University Hospital CHUV in Lausanne. It is known that siblings show difficulties in dealing with the ambivalent emotions triggered by the sickness of a brother or sister. Their defence mechanisms can be heavy and may have consequences on the child's psycho-affective development and on the dynamics of the whole family. Speech groups allow the siblings to unfold an experience which is often irrepresentable. They also permit remobilization of affects frozen by the illness. This model used since 2006 in our unit responds to the wish to improve the quality of care of heavily sick children.
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The Press Service of the European Court of Human Rights published in June 2014 a factsheet on the Court’s case-law on the human rights of older people. This collection shows that even though the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) does not explicitly refer to older persons nor to age discrimination, the Strasbourg Court can play an important role as a guardian of the rights of older people. Read more here.
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Substantial and compelling medical and public health evidence indicated that non-medical factors, such as home energy costs, profoundly influence child health and well-being. Child Health Impact Assessment offered an evidence- and experience-based method through which to evaluate the implications of policy, regulations, and legislation for children's health and well-being. Our Child Health Impact Assessment of home energy costs revealed that unaffordable home energy has important and preventable adverse consequences for children's health. The available evidence showed that unaffordable home energy has preventable, potential consequences on the health and well-being of the more than 400,000 Massachusetts children living in low-income households. Low-income families are caught in the gap between rising energy prices and available energy assistance. Energy assistance falls far short of the need, especially when there is a spike in energy prices, such as following Hurricane Katrina in 2005. In addition to the exceedingly high housing costs in Massachusetts, our climate means low-income families spend more of their income on home energy (energy burden) to keep warm than families in other regions of the U.S.
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Obesity is a complex public health issue that is a growing threat to children۪s health, as well as a current and future drain on National Health Service (NHS) resources. The Wanless Report stated that public health the promotion of good health and the prevention of disease should be central to the work of the NHS.2 Obesity already costs the NHS directly around 1 billion a year and the UK economy a further 2.3 to 2.6 billion in indirect costs. If this present trend continues, by 2010 the annual cost to the economy could be 3.6 billion a year. This joint report from the Audit Commission, Healthcare Commission and the National Audit Office aims to identify how the barriers to creating a successful delivery chain can be addressed and makes recommendations about how the delivery chain might be strengthened and made more efficient as part of the need for the Departments to contribute to the Government۪s wider efficiency programme.