595 resultados para advocacy
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Esta tesis problematiza los vínculos entre las sociedades y sus entornos. "Ecología" y "Praxis Ambiental" constituyen dos polos en tensión. Son palabras que remiten a sistemas de entidades Ecología y Praxis Ambiental, lejos de constituirse desde una red semántica y simbólica afín, aparecen en las prácticas como términos muchas veces antagónicos. Vivimos en un mundo afectado por una crisis ambiental sin parangones producto de las intervenciones humanas en el contexto de las prácticas productivas capitalistas globalizadas. Esta tesis busca contrastar ciertas conceptualizaciones abstractas con los fenómenos concretos cuya contundencia se nos impone. Sigo un camino que parte de la revisión de la ecología como disciplina científica, su articulación (o no) con los movimientos ambientalista para, desde estos sitios de acción, investigación y movilización, avanzar sobre los temas que permanecen como problemas. Tomé como guía la problemática dualidad sobre la que se edificó el pensamiento y la praxis moderna: la escisión antagónica y excluyente entre sociedad y naturaleza, asociada a la idea del hombre como ser de máximo desarrollo, cuya cercanía a la razón permitía justificar su dominio sobre todo lo no-humano, fundamento de la evaluación de lo diferente en términos peyorativos. Exploro el modo en que "lo natural" se consideró como menos desarrollado, con potencialidades que sólo lograría en caso de estar dominado por un ser efectivamente desarrollado y adopto las revisiones en torno a conceptos claves como género, etnia y clase para discutir la noción de naturaleza que subyace en esa presunción de dominio. La metodología de estudio siguió algunas premisas. La primera de ellas es que la edificación de las ideas es un proceso eminentemente histórico. La segunda es que los conceptos, lejos de edificarse desde ejercicios abstractos, se constituyen en permanente vínculo con el plano de las prácticas. La tercera es que en el fondo de la red simbólica antes mencionada se encuentra el paternalismo como diferenciación fundamental. A modo de esquema general, las herramientas adoptadas para analizar escenarios y elaborar reflexiones pueden resumirse en los siguientes puntos:La indagación en las formas hegemónicas de discurso-dominio en la ecología científica. La apropiación de la perspectiva feminista como discurso contrahegemónico.La revisión de las formas específicas de dominio como clave reconstructiva.El análisis de las prácticas instituidas, en las prácticas científicas y las esferas de gobierno, a la luz de modos alternativos que implican el reconocimiento de prácticas sociales y saberes edificados desde la experiencia.A partir de remover la idea de naturaleza que subyace en las reflexiones problematizadas, impugno que la única organización social posible sea jerárquica. Desde aquí argumento en contra de uno de los principales argumentos totalitarios, la visión de los intereses de la naturaleza como opuestos a los humanos, destacando la necesidad de abandonar la dualidad para no llegar al consecuente incremento de formas opresivas. En el cierre desmonto el carácter construido de lo normal, desnaturalizo lo natural para repensarnos como seres humanos capaces de cambiar aquello que consideramos injusto.
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Esta tesis problematiza los vínculos entre las sociedades y sus entornos. "Ecología" y "Praxis Ambiental" constituyen dos polos en tensión. Son palabras que remiten a sistemas de entidades Ecología y Praxis Ambiental, lejos de constituirse desde una red semántica y simbólica afín, aparecen en las prácticas como términos muchas veces antagónicos. Vivimos en un mundo afectado por una crisis ambiental sin parangones producto de las intervenciones humanas en el contexto de las prácticas productivas capitalistas globalizadas. Esta tesis busca contrastar ciertas conceptualizaciones abstractas con los fenómenos concretos cuya contundencia se nos impone. Sigo un camino que parte de la revisión de la ecología como disciplina científica, su articulación (o no) con los movimientos ambientalista para, desde estos sitios de acción, investigación y movilización, avanzar sobre los temas que permanecen como problemas. Tomé como guía la problemática dualidad sobre la que se edificó el pensamiento y la praxis moderna: la escisión antagónica y excluyente entre sociedad y naturaleza, asociada a la idea del hombre como ser de máximo desarrollo, cuya cercanía a la razón permitía justificar su dominio sobre todo lo no-humano, fundamento de la evaluación de lo diferente en términos peyorativos. Exploro el modo en que "lo natural" se consideró como menos desarrollado, con potencialidades que sólo lograría en caso de estar dominado por un ser efectivamente desarrollado y adopto las revisiones en torno a conceptos claves como género, etnia y clase para discutir la noción de naturaleza que subyace en esa presunción de dominio. La metodología de estudio siguió algunas premisas. La primera de ellas es que la edificación de las ideas es un proceso eminentemente histórico. La segunda es que los conceptos, lejos de edificarse desde ejercicios abstractos, se constituyen en permanente vínculo con el plano de las prácticas. La tercera es que en el fondo de la red simbólica antes mencionada se encuentra el paternalismo como diferenciación fundamental. A modo de esquema general, las herramientas adoptadas para analizar escenarios y elaborar reflexiones pueden resumirse en los siguientes puntos:La indagación en las formas hegemónicas de discurso-dominio en la ecología científica. La apropiación de la perspectiva feminista como discurso contrahegemónico.La revisión de las formas específicas de dominio como clave reconstructiva.El análisis de las prácticas instituidas, en las prácticas científicas y las esferas de gobierno, a la luz de modos alternativos que implican el reconocimiento de prácticas sociales y saberes edificados desde la experiencia.A partir de remover la idea de naturaleza que subyace en las reflexiones problematizadas, impugno que la única organización social posible sea jerárquica. Desde aquí argumento en contra de uno de los principales argumentos totalitarios, la visión de los intereses de la naturaleza como opuestos a los humanos, destacando la necesidad de abandonar la dualidad para no llegar al consecuente incremento de formas opresivas. En el cierre desmonto el carácter construido de lo normal, desnaturalizo lo natural para repensarnos como seres humanos capaces de cambiar aquello que consideramos injusto.
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A abertura política do Brasil à democracia promoveu uma série de mudanças legislativas e de organização do Estado. Na área da infância e adolescência, após a promulgação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA), foram criados conselhos de nível federal, estadual e municipal, com o objetivo de promover e defender os direitos dessa população específica. Também foram formados os Conselhos Tutelares compostos por membros da sociedade civil, diretamente eleitos pela população, com a função de informar e promover esses direitos localmente. Utilizando a metodologia qualitativa-quantitativa do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo, a pesquisa analisou a percepção e opinião dos conselheiros tutelares a respeito de situações que envolvem a prática sexual voluntária heterossexual e homossexual de adolescentes da faixa etária de 12 a 17 anos. Os dados foram colhidos com o uso de questionários semiestruturados para autopreenchimento, apresentados em visita técnica aos membros dos 44 Conselhos Tutelares do município de São Paulo. Além do perfil social e familiar, foram coletadas opiniões dos conselheiros quanto à autonomia dos adolescentes e suas noções de desrespeito legal, além de sugestões de orientação de condutas frente a três casos hipotéticos de prática sexual realizada por adolescentes. Responderam à pesquisa 80 (36,4 por cento ) conselheiros de um total de 220, de 29 (65,9 por cento ) dos 44 Conselhos Tutelares da cidade. Observou-se que apresentaram tendência a reproduzir os modelos tradicionais negativos da sociedade brasileira no julgamento da prática sexual de adolescentes, avaliando sua ocorrência pela ótica moral e de opinião de familiares e outros adultos. Mais da metade não associa tais práticas a impactos específicos sobre a saúde e os direitos sexuais e reprodutivos dos adolescentes, nem realiza encaminhamentos para sua promoção. Adotam noções desiguais de gênero do senso comum, que remetem à preocupação com a imagem e impactos da publicização da sexualidade de meninas, não fazendo o mesmo para adolescentes meninos e veem as práticas homoafetivas sob a ótica da violência e sedução, associando-as à necessidade de orientação psicológica e problemas de saúde mental. Considera-se que conselheiros tutelares estão pouco preparados para lidar com a sexualidade de adolescentes e normalmente treinados para avaliá-la tal qual a violência sexual que acomete crianças. Como possuem status local de legitimidade, são procurados e tem poder de averiguação e encaminhamento público de ocorrências, terminando por, muitas vezes, desrespeitar os direitos humanos de adolescentes quanto à expressão e vivência da sexualidade e da prática sexual saudável. Considera-se fundamental discutir o papel dos Conselhos Tutelares frente aos direitos de adolescentes, de forma que ao contrário do proposto na democratização do país, não se configurem como mais um instrumentos de exercício de poder para perpetuar desigualdades sociais. Na área da sexualidade, a defesa dos direitos de adolescentes passa pelo respeito a sua sexualidade, acesso à informação, à garantia de serviços públicos que efetivamente os atendam para proporcionar exames, contracepção, prevenção de doenças sexualmente transmissíveis, etc., com respeito a sua cidadania, especificidades, necessidades, autonomia e dignidade pessoal, promovendo-os e defendendo-os frente a famílias, comunidade, a toda a sociedade e ao próprio poder público.
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Since the beginning of the 1990s, the majority of Latin American states have attempted to incorporate in some way or another human rights concern into their respective foreign policies, highlighting a history of human rights abuses and the return of democratic political rule as a trigger for galvanizing a commitment to assist in preventing such violations in other countries. Yet, while human rights have come to play a non-trivial role in the contemporary foreign policy of many Latin American states, there is great diversity in the ways and the extent to which they go about incorporating human rights concerns into their foreign policies. Explaining the diversity of human rights foreign policies of new Latin American democracies is at the heat of this project. The main research questions are the following: Why do new democracies incorporate human rights into their foreign policies? And what explains the different international human rights policies of new democracies? To answer these questions, this research compares the human rights foreign policies of Chile and Brazil for over two decades starting from their respective transitions to democracy. The study argues that states commitment to international human rights is the result of the intersection of domestic and international influences. At the international level, the search for international legitimacy and the desire for recognition and credibility affected the adoption of international human rights in both cases but with different degrees of impact. International values and pressures by themselves, while necessary, are an insufficient condition for human rights initiatives perceived to have not insubstantial political, economic or strategic costs. New democracies will be more or less likely to actively include human rights in their international policies depending on the following four domestic conditions: political leadership legitimizing the inclusion of human rights into a state's policies, civil society groups connected to international human rights advocacy networks with a capacity to influencing the foreign policy decisions of their government, and the Foreign Ministry's attitudes towards international human rights and the degree of influence it exercises over the outcome of the foreign policy process.
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The present study explores relationships among several established correlates of trauma in women exposed to intimate partner abuse (IPA), including PTSD, depression, and dissociation symptoms as well as alcohol use as well as other trauma-related variables, such as social support and violence exposure. Two analysis methods were utilized: variable-oriented methods, which examine relationships between variables, and person-oriented analysis methods, which examine groupings of participants within a larger sample (N = 233). Results of the variable-oriented analyses indicated positive links among depression, PTSD, dissociation, and alcohol use in women exposed to IPA, as well as positive links between the aforementioned psychological symptoms and exposure to violence. Social support was related to decreased psychological symptoms. Person-oriented analyses indicated the presence of four unique profiles of women within the larger study sample: Profile 1 (n = 21), which was labeled High Dissociation, Low Depression/PTSD; Profile 2 (n = 150), which was labeled Low Symptoms, High Social Support, Profile 3 (n = 41); which was labeled Low Dissociation, High Depression/PTSD; and Profile 4 (n = 22), which was labeled High Symptoms, Low Social Support. This research supports previous findings about the relationships among several variables related to IPA as well as suggests the need for careful consideration of differences among women within the larger context of research, advocacy, and clinical interventions related to IPA.
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As society becomes increasingly less binary, and moves towards a more spectrum based approach to mental illness, medical illness, and personality, it becomes necessary to address this shift within formerly rigid institutions. This paper explores this shift as it is occurring within correctional settings around the United States concerning the medical care, housing, and safety of transgendered inmates. As there is no legal standard for the housing or access to gender-affirming medical care (i.e., hormone therapy, sexual reassignment surgery), these issues are addressed on an institutional level, with very little consistency throughout the country. Currently, most institutions follow a genitalia-based system of classification. Within the system, core beliefs are held, some adaptive and some no longer adaptive, that drive the system's behavior and outcomes. With regard to transgendered inmates, several underlying beliefs within the system serve to maintain the status quo; however, the most basic underpinning is the system's reliance on a binary gender system. As views of humane treatment of the incarcerated expand and modernize, the role of mental health within corrections has also expanded. Psychologists, social workers, counselors, and psychiatrists are found in almost all correctional facilities, and have become a voice of advocacy for an often underserved population.
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An extensive and growing road system in the United States bisects vital wildlife habitat and is causing deleterious ecological effects on many wildlife species. The primary impacts include collisions between wildlife and vehicles, altered movement patterns within habitat, and/or the complete blockage of movements between vital habitats. The increasing size of the road network and number of vehicles will only intensify the problem unless proactive wildlife mitigation measures are developed to minimize these adverse effects. Therefore, this capstone project examines the role of citizen advocacy for promoting wildlife protection in the planning and development of wildlife-sensitive transportation projects in the United States. Based upon a data analysis of 21 questionnaires from qualified participants, it was determined that citizen participation is an important component associated with the development of wildlife-sensitive transportation projects. However, four major barriers to facilitating effective citizen participation processes were identified. 1) A lack of awareness. Citizens are only minimally aware of wildlife and transportation issues, including: a) the ecological impacts of roads, b) the solutions available to mitigate these impacts, and c) the opportunities to advocate for the protection of wildlife during transportation planning processes; 2) Public apathy or a lack of citizen interest in wildlife and transportation issues; 3) Ineffective citizen participation techniques and processes; and 4) Poor communication with citizens. Four recommendations were provided to assist in overcoming these barriers and to help define a better role for citizen advocacy in protecting wildlife from the growing road network.
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La incidencia en las políticas sociales es una importante función profesional de las trabajadoras sociales que precisa ser integrada en la educación teórica y práctica en Trabajo Social. Este artículo indaga sobre los fundamentos de esta función de incidencia en los cambios sociales promoviendo políticas sociales que reconozcan los derechos humanos. Partiendo de los referentes internacionales del trabajo social, se analiza el caso de España teniendo en cuenta los códigos deontológicos, los planes de estudio en Trabajo Social, la práctica profesional y los nuevos Grados en Trabajo Social. Se concluye planteando interrogantes sobre el grado de responsabilidad y de implicación de las universidades y Colegios profesionales en coherencia con los principios y valores del Trabajo Social.
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The research team reviewed numerous several multi- sectoral entities and identified nine GGNs that became the subject of our case studies. The research team conducted semi-structured interviews with executives and staff from each of these GNNs and prepared a profile, including a description of the unique evolution of the organization, goals and objectives, organizational structure and governance arrangements for each GGN. The following list provides an overview of the nine GGNs profiled: 1. Every Woman Every Child is an unprecedented global effort that mobilizes and amplifies action by governments, multilaterals, the private sector, research centers, academia and civil society to address life-threatening health challenges facing women and children globally. 2. HERproject catalyzes global partnerships and local Networks to improve female workers’ general and reproductive health in eight emerging economies. 3. R4 Rural Resilience Initiative is a cutting-edge, strategic, large-scale partnership between the public and private sectors to innovate and develop better tools to help the world’s most vulnerable people build resilient livelihoods. 4. Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative is a coalition of governments, companies, civil society groups, investors and international organizations that aims to improve transparency and accountability in the extractives sector. 5. Global Network for Neglected Tropical Diseases works with international partners at the highest level of government, business and society to break down the logistical and financial barriers to delivering existing treatments for the seven most common neglected tropical diseases. 6. Global Alliance for Improved Nutrition is an alliance that supports public-private partnerships to increase access to the missing nutrients in diets necessary for people, communities and economies to be stronger and healthier. 7. Inter-Agency Network For Education in Emergencies is a global Network of individuals and representatives from NGOs, United Nations and donor agencies, governments, academic institutions, schools and affected populations working to ensure all persons have the right to a quality and safe education in emergencies and post- crisis recovery. 8. mHealth Alliance works with diverse partners to advance mobile-based or mobile-enhanced solutions that deliver health through research, advocacy, support for the development of interoperable solutions and sustainable deployment models. 9. The Rainforest Alliance is a global non-profit that focuses on environmental conservation and sustainable development and works through collaborative partnerships with various stakeholders.
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For more than a decade, bemoaning the many roadblocks to reforming important aspect of German politics has become commonplace. Explanations emphasize formal and informal veto points, such as the role of political institutions and the lack of elite and societal support for reform initiatives. Against this background, I was interested in factors that place policy issues on the political agenda and follow up with concrete courses of action; i.e., in factors that lead to a disentangling of the reform gridlock. I emphasize the importance of agenda setting in the emergence of higher education reform in Germany. Globalization, European integration and domestic pressures combined to create new pressures for change. In response, an advocacy coalition of old and new political actors has introduced a drawn-out and ongoing process of value reorientation in the direction of competition, including international competition, and greater autonomy. The result has been a burst of activities, some moderate, some more far-reaching in their potential to restructure German higher education.
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This thesis attempts to understand who fought for influence within the European Union’s policy area of the Emissions Trading System (ETS). The ETS is a key aspect of the European Union’s (EU) climate change policy and is particularly important in light of the conclusions at the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. It was first established in 2003 with Directive 2003/87/EC and completed its first major revision in 2008 with Directive 2009/29/EC. Between these two key Directives, the interplay between industrial and environmental incentives means that the ETS has created a dynamic venue for divergent interest groups. So as to identify the relevant actors, this paper applies the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) of Sabatier. Using position papers, semi-structured interviews, and unpublished documents from the EU institutions, this paper answers it primary research question in its identification of an economy-first and an environment-first lobbying coalition. These coalitions have expanded over time with the environment-first coalition incorporating Greenpeace and the economy-first coalition expanding even further in both scope and speed. However, the economy-first coalition has been susceptible to industry-specific interests. In its application of the ACF, the research shows that a hypothesised effect between the ACF’s external events and these lobbying coalitions is inconclusive. Other hypotheses stemming from the ACF relating to electricity prices and the 2004 enlargement seem to be of significance for the relative composition of the lobbying coalitions. This paper finds that there are certain limitations within the ACF. The findings of this thesis provide a unique insight into how lobbying coalitions within a key EU policy area can form and develop.
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"Performed under Contract No. HEW-105-76-1140."
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Cover title.
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Performed under contract no. HEW-105-76-1140, National Center for Child Advocacy and prepared by members of InterAmerica Research Associates.
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Companion publication to: Resident abuse in nursing homes: understanding and preventing abuse.