843 resultados para South and Southeast Asian Languages and Societies
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1. The gold fields of Australia -- 2. New South Wales -- 3. Victoria -- 4. South and western Australia -- 5. Aboriginies of Australia -- 6. Conclusion.
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Detailed information about the commerce of Chile with all the countries in the world, and especially with the United States, Great Britain, Germany, France, Belgium, Spain, Italy, South and Central America, etc.
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verso: (Mr. B. and family were well-known Ludington residents who left the city over forty years ago to go South, and finally West. He was the James St. jeweller and incidentally an outstanding humorist among his friends. He was a brother-in-law of the late Dr. Josiah Strong, formerly of Greenwich, Conn., sociologist and friend of Theo Roosevelt.) signed: B.M. Willson 389 Orange St. New Haven, Conn.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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On the morning of March 27th, 2013, a small portion of a much larger landslide complex failed on the western shoreline of central Whidbey Island, Island County, Washington. This landslide, known as the Ledgewood-Bonair Landslide (LB Landslide), mobilized as much as 150,000 cubic meters of unconsolidated glacial sediment onto the coastline of the Puget Sound (Slaughter et al., 2013, Geotechnical Engineering Services, 2013). This study aims to determine how sediment from the Ledgewood-Bonair Landslide has acted on the adjacent beaches 400 meters to the north and south, and specifically to evaluate the volume of sediment contributed by the slide to adjacent beaches, how persistent bluff-derived accretion has been on adjacent beaches, and how intertidal grain sizes changed as a result of the bluff-derived sediment, LiDAR imagery from 2013 and 2014 were differenced and compared to beach profile data and grain size photography. Volume change results indicate that of the 41,850 cubic meters of sediment eroded at the toe of the landslide, 8.9 percent was redeposited on adjacent beaches within 1 year of the landslide. Of this 8.9 percent, 6.3 percent ended up on the north beach and 2.6 percent ended up on the south beach. Because the landslide deposit was primarily sands, silts, and clays, it is reasonable to assume that the remaining 91.1 percent of the sediment eroded from the landslide toe was carried out into the waters of the Puget Sound. Over the course of the two-year study, measurable accretion is apparent up to 150 meters north and 100 meters south of the landslide complex. Profile data also suggests that the most significant elevation changes occurred within the first two and half months since the landslides occurrence. The dominant surficial grain size of the beach soon after the landslide was coarse-sand; in the years following the landslide, 150 meters north of the toe the beach sediment became finer while 100 meters south of the toe the beach sediment became coarser. Overall, the LB Landslide has affected beach profile and grain size only locally, within 150 meters of the landslide toe.
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The geographically constrained distribution of Epstein-Barr virus (EBV)-associated nasopharyngeal carcinoma (NPC) in southeast Asian populations suggests that both viral and host genetics may influence disease risk. Although susceptibility loci have been mapped within the human genome, the role of viral genetics in the focal distribution of NPC remains an enigma. Here we report a molecular phylogenetic analysis of an NPC-associated viral oncogene, LMP1, in a large panel of EBV isolates from southeast Asia and from Papua New Guinea, Africa, and Australia, regions of the world where NPC is and is not endemic, respectively. This analysis revealed that LMP1 sequences show a distinct geographic structure, indicating that the southeast Asian isolates have evolved as a lineage distinct from those of Papua New Guinea, African, and Australian isolates. Furthermore, a likelihood ratio test revealed that the C termini of the LMP1 sequences of the southeast Asian lineage are under significant positive selection pressure, particularly at some sites within the C-terminal activator regions. We also present evidence that although the N terminus and transmembrane region of LMP1 have undergone recombination, the C-terminal region of the gene has evolved without any history of recombination. Based on these observations, we speculate that selection pressure may be driving the LMP1 sequences in virus isolates from southeast Asia towards a more malignant phenotype, thereby influencing the endemic distribution of NPC in this region.
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We investigated long-term spatial variability in a number of Harmful Algal Blooms (HABs) in the northeast Atlantic and North Sea using data from the Continuous Plankton Recorder. Over the last four decades. some dinoflagellate taxa showed pronounced variation in the south and east of the North Sea, with the most significant increases being restricted to the adjacent waters off Norway. There was also a general decrease along the eastern coast of the United Kingdom. The most prominent feature in the interannual bloom frequencies over the last four decades was the anomalously high values recorded in the late 1980s in the northern and central North Sea areas. The only mesoscale area in the northeast Atlantic to show a significant increase in bloom formation over the last decade was the Norwegian coastal region. The changing spatial patterns of HAB taxa and the frequency of bloom formation are discussed in relation to regional climate change, in particular, changes in temperature, salinity, and the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO). Areas highly vulnerable to the effects of regional climate change on HABs are Norwegian coastal waters and the Skagerrak. Other vulnerable areas include Danish coastal waters, and to a lesser extent, the German and Dutch Bight and the northern Irish Sea. Quite apart from eutrophication, our results give a preview of what might happen to certain HAB genera under changing climatic conditions in temperate environments and their responses to variability of climate oscillations Such as the NAO.
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Despite global trends towards military reform characterized by processes of professionalization and democratization, militaries in Southeast Asia have continued to play prominent roles in domestic politics since 11 September. This suggests that wider patterns of global military reform have not had as great an impact on the control, capacity and cooperative functions of armed forces in Southeast Asia as they may have elsewhere. In order to explore why the security sector reform agenda has had so little impact in the region, we investigate recent patterns of civil-military relations in Southeast Asia by focusing on the experiences of four of the region's militaries: Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia. We argue that the security sector reform agenda is informed by a predominantly North American approach to civil-military relations based on a number of core assumptions that do not reflect Southeast Asian experiences. Hence, we ask whether the reform agenda itself could be modified to better suit the Southeast Asian context. We suggest that although the regional military sector has not reformed along a 'Western' path it is nonetheless possible to see other types of, and potential for, reform.
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Mudrocks and carbonates of the Isa superbasin in the Lawn Hill platform in northern Australia host major base metal sulfide mineralization, including the giant strata-bound Century Zn-Pb deposit. Mineral paragenesis, stable isotope, and K-Ar dating studies demonstrate that long-lived structures such as the Termite Range fault acted as hot fluid conduits several times during the Paleoproterozoic and Mesoproterozoic in response to major tectonic events. Illite and chlorite crystallinity studies suggest the southern part of the platform has experienced higher temperatures (up to 300 degrees C) than similar stratigraphic horizons in the north. The irregular downhole variation of illite crystallinity values provides further information oil the thermal regime in the basin and shows that clay formation was controlled not only by temperature increase with depth but also by high water/rock ratios along relatively permeable zones. K-Ar dating of illite, in combination with other data, may indicate three major thermal events in the central and northern Lawn Hill platform Lit 1500, 1440 to 1400, and 1250 to 1150 Ma. This study did not detect the earlier Century base metal mineralizing event at 1575 Ma. 1500 Ma ages are recorded only in the south and correspond to the age of the Late Isan orogeny and deposition of the Lower Roper superbasin. They may reflect exhumation of a provenance region. The 1440 to 1300 Ma ages are related to fault reactivation and a thermal pulse at similar to 1440 to 1400 Ma possibly accompanied by fluid flow, with subsequent enhanced cooling possibly due to thermal relaxation or further crustal exhumation. The youngest thermal and/or fluid-flow event at 1250 to 1150 Ma is recorded mainly to the cast of the Tern-lite Range fault and may be related to the assembly of the Rodinian supercontinent. Fluids in equilibrium with illite that formed over a range of temperatures, at different times in different parts of the platform. have relatively uniform oxygen isotope compositions and more variable hydrogen isotope compositions (delta O-18 = 3.5-9.7 parts per thousand V-SMOW; delta D = -94 to -36 parts per thousand V-SMOW). The extent of the 180 enrichment and the variably depleted hydrogen isotope compositions suggest the illite interacted with deep-basin hypersaline brines that were composed of evaporated seawater and/or highly evolved meteoric water. Siderite is the most abundant iron-rich gangue phase in the Century Zn-Pb deposit, which is surrounded by all extensive ferroan carbonate alteration halo. Modeling suggests that the ore siderite formed at temperatures of 120 degrees to 150 degrees C, whereas siderite and ankerite in the alteration halo formed at temperatures of 150 degrees to 180 degrees C. The calculated isotopic compositions of the fluids are consistent with O-18-rich basinal brines and mixed inorganic and organic carbon Sources (6180 = 3-10 parts per thousand V-SMOW, delta C-13 = -7 to -3 parts per thousand V-PDB). in the northeast Lawn Hill platform carbonate-rich rocks preserve marine to early diagenetic carbon and oxygen isotope compositions, whereas ferroan carbonate cements in siltstones and shales in the Desert Creek borehole are O-18 and C-13 depleted relative to the sedimentary carbonates. The good agreement between temperature estimates from illite crystallinity and organic reflectance (160 degrees-270 degrees C) and inverse correlation with carbonate delta O-18 values indicates that organic maturation and carbonate precipitation in the northeast Lawn Hill platform resulted from interaction with the 1250 to 1150 Ma fluids. The calculated isotopic compositions of the fluid are consistent with evolved basinal brine (delta O-18 = 5.1-9.4 parts per thousand V-SMOW; delta C-13 = -13.2 to -3.7 parts per thousand V-PDB) that contained a variable organic carbon component from the oxidation and/or hydrolysis of organic matter in the host sequence. The occurrence of extensive O-18- and C-13-depleted ankerite and siderite alteration in Desert Creek is related to the high temperature of the 1250 to 1150 Ma fluid-flow event in the northeast Lawn Hill platform, in contrast to the lower temperature fluids associated with the earlier Century Zn-Pb deposit in the central Lawn Hill platform.
Religious diplomacy and socialism. The Romanian Orthodox Church and the Church of England, 1956-1959
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This article analyzes the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the communist regime during one of the most intense periods of religious persecution in the Romanian People's Republic from 1956 to 1959. The church hierarchy demonstrated its support for the socialist construction of the country, while, at the same time, the regime began a campaign against religion by arresting clergy and reducing the number of religious people in monasteries; rumours even circulated that in 1958 Patriarch Justinian was under house arrest. Seeking closer contact with Western Europe, the regime allowed the hierarchy to meet foreign clergymen, especially from the Church of England. These diplomatic religious encounters played a double role. The regime realised that it could benefit from international ecclesiastical relations, while the image of Justinian in the West changed from that of "red patriarch" to that of a leader who was genuinely interested in his church's survival.
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The baleful legacy of the wars of the 1990s continues to dog the states and societies of the former Yugoslavia and has overshadowed the disappointingly slow and hesitant trajectory of the region towards the EU. At the start of the new millennium, with the removal of key wartime leaders from the political scene in both Croatia and Serbia, it was widely hoped that the region would prove able to ‘leave the past behind’ and rapidly move on to the hopeful new agenda of EU integration. The EU’s Copenhagen criteria, which in 1993 first explicitly set out the basic political conditions expected of aspirant EU Member States, proved effective in the case of the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe in supporting the entrenchment of democratic norms and practices, and stimulating reconciliation and good neighbourly relations among countries with turbulent histories. Building on this experience, the Stabilisation and Association Process, launched for the countries of the Western Balkans in 1999, included both full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and regional reconciliation among the political conditions set for advancing these countries on the path to EU integration. EU political conditionality was intended to support the efforts of new political leaders to redefine national goals away from the nationalist enmities of the past and focus firmly on forging a path to a better future. This Chaillot Paper examines the extent to which this strategy has worked, especially in the light of the difficulties it has encountered in the face of strong resistance to cooperation among sections of the former Yugoslav population, many of whom have not yet fully acknowledged the crimes committed during the 1990s. Key chapters in the volume raise the vital questions of leadership and political will. EU political conditionality does not work unless the EU has a partner ready and willing to ‘play the game’, which presupposes that EU integration has become the overriding priority on the national political agenda.
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This article examines the ways in which invalidated electoral ballots may be articulated as acts of protest. We argue that some instances of ballot invalidation can be understood as protest and as a reaction to the broader “crises of democracy” which have also spurred on movements such as Occupy. We focus on Serbia’s 2012 elections as a case study, given the high increases in invalid ballots and calls for collective action calling for ballot invalidation. We discuss protest movements which coalesced around this election, calling for electoral ballot invalidation and using social media to frame this activity as protest. Through our case study, we explore the ways in which the ballot can become a tool of contention, and how protest can be expressed through an engagement with extant structures and institutions.
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The accession of the East-Central European (ECE) countries carried a promise of enhancing and enriching the EU’s Eastern policy. The new member states had the strongest interests among EU member states to ensure that countries in the East are prosperous, stable and democratic. Yet, EU’s Eastern policy has been largely criticised for its ineffectiveness. So why have they not been able to address the shortcomings in the EU’s Eastern policies? The article argues that the ECE countries supported the way the EU’s Eastern policies were conceived and implemented because they saw it as a potent vehicle to promote their own transition experience not only in the region but also within the EU. We argue that the ECE states have experienced three types of challenges when promoting their transition experience. First, uploading to the EU level remained largely at a rhetorical level. Second, there are conceptual and practical difficulties in defining what constitutes transition experience and harnessing it, as well as coordinating its transfer between the ECE states. Finally, while using transition experience as the basis for their development assistance strategies, the ECE countries actually insufficiently conceptualised the ‘development’ aspect in these policies. Being so driven by their own experience, they have not drawn the lessons from enlargement to use in a non-accession context, especially by incorporating the broader lessons with regard to development.
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Organized crime and illegal economies generate multiple threats to states and societies. But although the negative effects of high levels of pervasive street and organized crime on human security are clear, the relationships between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement are highly complex. By sponsoring illicit economies in areas of state weakness where legal economic opportunities and public goods are seriously lacking, both belligerent and criminal groups frequently enhance some elements of human security of the marginalized populations who depend on illicit economies for basic livelihoods. Even criminal groups without a political ideology often have an important political impact on the lives of communities and on their allegiance to the State. Criminal groups also have political agendas. Both belligerent and criminal groups can develop political capital through their sponsorship of illicit economies. The extent of their political capital is dependent on several factors. Efforts to defeat belligerent groups by decreasing their financial flows through suppression of an illicit economy are rarely effective. Such measures, in turn, increase the political capital of anti-State groups. The effectiveness of anti-money laundering measures (AML) also remains low and is often highly contingent on specific vulnerabilities of the target. The design of AML measures has other effects, such as on the size of a country’s informal economy. Multifaceted anti-crime strategies that combine law enforcement approaches with targeted socio-economic policies and efforts to improve public goods provision, including access to justice, are likely to be more effective in suppressing crime than tough nailed-fist approaches. For anti-crime policies to be effective, they often require a substantial, but politically-difficult concentration of resources in target areas. In the absence of effective law enforcement capacity, legalization and decriminalization policies of illicit economies are unlikely on their own to substantially reduce levels of criminality or to eliminate organized crime. Effective police reform, for several decades largely elusive in Latin America, is one of the most urgently needed policy reforms in the region. Such efforts need to be coupled with fundamental judicial and correctional systems reforms. Yet, regional approaches cannot obliterate the so-called balloon effect. If demand persists, even under intense law enforcement pressures, illicit economies will relocate to areas of weakest law enforcement, but they will not be eliminated.