918 resultados para South African -- 20th century
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A growing body of academic and popular literature considers the history of South African football. These and existing publications pay little or no attention to the emergence of white professional football in apartheid South Africa. The National Football League (NFL) challenged the amateur game and introduced professional football to the country. During its 17-year existence, the NFL grew each season with large attendances until its demise in 1977. In addition, the NFL imported a range of international players, invited foreign teams and actively engaged in the political debates in South African sport at the time. The NFL was instrumental in popularising the game across the country for all South Africans. The NFL became the most popular sports entertainment of choice for South Africans during this period. Finally, the NFL actively engaged in a campaign of destroying rival non-racial anti-apartheid leagues while simultaneously co-opting less progressive organisations. © 2013 Taylor and Francis.
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We analyzed hydrographic data from the northwestern Weddell Sea continental shelf of the three austral winters 1989, 1997, and 2006 and two summers following the last winter cruise. During summer a thermal front exists at ~64° S separating cold southern waters from warm northern waters that have similar characteristics as the deep waters of the central basin of the Bransfield Strait. In winter, the whole continental shelf exhibits southern characteristics with high Neon (Ne) concentrations, indicating a significant input of glacial melt water. The comparison of the winter data from the shallow shelf off the tip of the Antarctic Peninsula, spanning a period of 17 yr, shows a salinity decrease of 0.09 for the whole water column, which has a residence time of <1 yr. We interpret this freshening as being caused by a combination of reduced salt input due to a southward sea ice retreat and higher precipitation during the late 20th century on the western Weddell Sea continental shelf. However, less salinification might also result from a delicate interplay between enhanced salt input due to sea ice formation in coastal areas formerly occupied by Larsen A and B ice shelves and increased Larsen C ice loss.
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Intercomparison of three new chemical ice core records from northern Greenland (covering the time span from approximately 1500 A.D. to present) with previously published records for southern and central Greenland reveals a uniform timing of anthropogenic changes in sulfate and nitrate firn concentrations over the entire ice sheet. The anthropogenic sulfate increase started around 1890, was interrupted by a transient decrease in the 1930s, and has resumed a major increase since 1950. Since the late 1970s though, a significant 30% decline in Greenland sulfate firn levels can be documented. The maximum anthropogenic increase in northern Greenland sulfate firn concentrations (up to 200-230 ppb) is 2-3 times larger than in southern and central Greenland. Nitrate records show an essentially steady increase since 1950 and, documented for the first time, a slight reduction during most recent years. Maximum nitrate firn levels of 100-130 ppb exceed the preindustrial background by 100% all over the Greenland ice sheet. Comparison with anthropogenic SO2 and NO x emission records indicates that the major increase in sulfate firn concentrations since 1950 can be attributed to Eurasian sources, while firn levels during the first half of this century appear to be dominated by North American emissions. A stronger North American source contribution is indicated over the entire 20th century in the case of nitrate. Applying a macroscopic deposition model separate time series for wet and dry deposition were derived which revealed a close correspondence of wet deposited sulfate with the timing of U.S. emissions, while the temporal evolution of Eurasian emissions is mainly reflected in the dry sulfate deposition record. During this century wet sulfate deposition increased by a factor of two while the total dry sulfate deposition flux increased by more than 500%. Wet and dry nitrate deposition both increased by 100% during the same period.
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A compilation of 1118 surface sediment samples from the South Atlantic was used to map modern seafloor distribution of organic carbon content in this ocean basin. Using new data on Holocene sedimentation rates, we estimated the annual organic carbon accumulation in the pelagic realm (>3000 m water depth) to be approximately 1.8*10**12 g C/year. In the sediments underlying the divergence zone in the Eastern Equatorial Atlantic (EEA), only small amounts of organic carbon accumulate in spite of the high surface water productivity observed in that area. This implies that in the Eastern Equatorial Atlantic, organic carbon accumulation is strongly reduced by efficient degradation of organic matter prior to its burial. During the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), accumulation of organic carbon was higher than during the mid-Holocene along the continental margins of Africa and South America (Brazil) as well as in the equatorial region. In the Eastern Equatorial Atlantic in particular, large relative differences between LGM and mid-Holocene accumulation rates are found. This is probably to a great extent due to better preservation of organic matter related to changes in bottom water circulation and not just a result of strongly enhanced export productivity during the glacial period. On average, a two- to three-fold increase in organic carbon accumulation during the LGM compared to mid-Holocene conditions can be deduced from our cores. However, for the deep-sea sediments this cannot be solely attributed to a glacial productivity increase, as changes in South Atlantic deep-water circulation seem to result in better organic carbon preservation during the LGM.
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Multivariate statistical analysis on the kaolinite/chlorite ratios from 20 South Atlantic sediment cores allowed for the extraction of two processes controlling the fluctuations of the kaolinite/chlorite ratio during the last 130,000 yrs, (1) the relative strength of North Atlantic Deep Water (NADW) inflow into the South Atlantic Ocean and (2) the influx of aeolian sediments from the south African continent. The NADW fluctuation can be traced in the entire deep South Atlantic while the dust signal is restricted to the vicinity of South Africa. Our data indicate that NADW formation underwent significant changes in response to glacial/interglacial climate changes with enhanced export to the Southern Hemisphere during interglacials. The most pronounced phases with Enhanced South African Dust Export (ESADE) occurred during cold Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 5d and across the Late Glacial/Holocene transition from 16 ka to 4 ka (MIS 2 to 1). This particular pattern is attributed to the interaction of Antarctic Sea Ice extent, the position of the westerlies and the South African monsoon system.
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Antarctic krill (Euphausia superba), a key species of Southern Ocean food webs plays a central role in ecosystem processes, community dynamics of apex predators and as a commercial fishery target. A decline in krill abundance during the late 20th century in the SW Atlantic sector has been linked to a concomitant decrease in sea ice, based on the hypothesis that sea ice acts as a feeding ground for overwintering larvae. However, evidence supporting this hypothesis has been scarce due to logistical challenges of collecting data in austral winter. Here we report on a winter study that involved diver observations of larval krill in their under-ice environment, ship-based studies of krill, sea ice physical characteristics, and biophysical model analyses of krill-ocean-ice interactions. We present evidence that complex under-ice topography is vital for larval krill in terms of dispersal and advection into high productive nursery habitats, rather than the provision by the ice environment of food. Further, ongoing changes in sea ice will lead to increases in sea-ice regimes favourable for overwintering larval krill but shifting southwards. This will result in ice-free conditions in the SW Atlantic, which will be conducive for enhancing food supplies due to sufficient light and iron availability, thus enhancing larvae development and growth. However, the associated impact on dispersal and advection may lead to a net shift in krill from the SW Atlantic to regions further east by the eastward flowing ACC and the northern branch of the Weddell Gyre, with profound consequences for the Southern Ocean pelagic ecosystem.
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This article explores the previously neglected history of civilian internment in South Africa during World War I. German, Austro-Hungarian and Turkish nationals were classified as ‘enemy aliens’. They included mostly male immigrants, but also several hundred women and children deported from Sub-Saharan colonial contact zones. The main camp was Fort Napier in Pietermaritzburg, holding around 2,500. Based on sources in South African, German and British archives, this multi-perspectival enquiry highlights the salience of the South African case and integrates it into wider theoretical questions and arguments. The policy of civilian internment was rolled out comprehensively throughout the British Empire. Not least lessons learnt from the South African War (1900-1902), when Britain had been widely criticised for harsh conditions in its camps, led to relatively humane prisoner treatment. Another mitigating factor were the pro-German sympathies of the Afrikaner population. Nevertheless, suffering occurred through isolation and deportation. Remembering the First World War mainly as a ‘’soldiers’ war’ on the Western Front generates too narrow a picture. Widening the lens on civilians of both sexes in overseas territories supports notions of war totalisation.
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Few symbols of 1950s-1960s America remain as central to our contemporary conception of Cold War culture as the iconic ranch-style suburban home. While the house took center stage in the Nixon/Khrushchev kitchen debates as a symbol of modern efficiency and capitalist values, its popularity depended largely upon its obvious appropriation of vernacular architecture from the 19th century, those California haciendas and Texas dogtrots that dotted the American west. Contractors like William Levitt modernized the historical common houses, hermetically sealing their porous construction, all while using the ranch-style roots of the dwelling to galvanize a myth of an indigenous American culture. At a moment of intense occupational bureaucracy, political uncertainty and atomized social life, the rancher gave a self-identifying white consumer base reason to believe they could master their own plot in the expansive frontier. Only one example of America’s mid-century love affair with commodified vernacular forms, the ranch-style home represents a broad effort on the part of corporate and governmental interest groups to transform the vernacular into a style that expresses a distinctly homogenous vision of American culture. “Other than a Citizen” begins with an anatomy of that transformation, and then turns to the work of four poets who sought to reclaim the vernacular from that process of standardization and use it to countermand the containment-era strategies of Cold War America.
In four chapters, I trace references to common speech and verbal expressivity in the poetry and poetic theory of Charles Olson, Robert Duncan, LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka and Gwendolyn Brooks, against the historical backdrop of the Free-Speech Movement and the rise of mass-culture. When poets frame nonliterary speech within the literary page, they encounter the inability of writing to capture the vital ephemerality of verbal expression. Rather than treat this limitation as an impediment, the writers in my study use the poem to dramatize the fugitivity of speech, emphasizing it as a disruptive counterpoint to the technologies of capture. Where critics such as Houston Baker interpret the vernacular strictly in terms of resistance, I take a cue from the poets and argue that the vernacular, rooted etymologically at the intersection of domestic security and enslaved margin, represents a gestalt form, capable at once of establishing centralized power and sparking minor protest. My argument also expands upon Michael North’s exploration of the influence of minstrelsy and regionalism on the development of modernist literary technique in The Dialect of Modernism. As he focuses on writers from the early 20th century, I account for the next generation, whose America was not a culturally inferior collection of immigrants but an imperial power, replete with economic, political and artistic dominance. Instead of settling for an essentially American idiom, the poets in my study saw in the vernacular not phonetic misspellings, slang terminology and fragmented syntax, but the potential to provoke and thereby frame a more ethical mode of social life, straining against the regimentation of citizenship.
My attention to the vernacular argues for an alignment among writers who have been segregated by the assumption that race and aesthetics are mutually exclusive categories. In reading these writers alongside one another, “Other than a Citizen” shows how the avant-garde concepts of projective poetics and composition by field develop out of an interest in black expressivity. Conversely, I trace black radicalism and its emphasis on sociality back to the communalism practiced at the experimental arts college in Black Mountain, North Carolina, where Olson and Duncan taught. In pressing for this connection, my work reveals the racial politics embedded within the speech-based aesthetics of the postwar era, while foregrounding the aesthetic dimension of militant protest.
Not unlike today, the popular rhetoric of the Cold War insists that to be a citizen involves defending one’s status as a rightful member of an exclusionary nation. To be other than a citizen, as the poets in my study make clear, begins with eschewing the false certainty that accompanies categorical nominalization. In promoting a model of mutually dependent participation, these poets lay the groundwork for an alternative model of civic belonging, where volition and reciprocity replace compliance and self-sufficiency. In reading their lines, we become all the more aware of the cracks that run the length of our load-bearing walls.
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Background: Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is a major global health challenge as the majority of individuals with ASD live in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) and receive little to no services or support from health or social care systems. Despite this global crisis, the development and validation of ASD interventions has almost exclusively occurred in high-income countries, leaving many unanswered questions regarding what contextual factors would need to be considered to ensure the effectiveness of interventions in LMICs. This study sought to conduct explorative research on the contextual adaptation of a caregiver-mediated early ASD intervention for use in a low-resource setting in South Africa.
Methods: Participants included 22 caregivers of children with autism, including mothers (n=16), fathers (n=4), and grandmothers (n=2). Four focus groups discussions were conducted in Cape Town, South Africa with caregivers and lasted between 1.5-3.5 hours in length. Data was recorded, translated, and transcribed by research personnel. Data was then coded for emerging themes and analyzed using the NVivo qualitative data analysis software package.
Results: Nine contextual factors were reported to be important for the adaptation process including culture, language, location of treatment, cost of treatment, type of service provider, familial needs, length of treatment, support, and parenting practices. One contextual factor, evidence-based treatment, was reported to be both important and not important for adaptation by caregivers. The contextual factor of stigma was identified as an emerging theme and a specifically relevant challenge when developing an ASD intervention for use in a South African context.
Conclusions: Eleven contextual factors were discussed in detail by caregivers and examples were given regarding the challenges, sources, and preferences related to the contextual adaptation of a parent-mediated early ASD intervention in South Africa. Caregivers reported a preference for an affordable, in-home, individualized early ASD intervention, where they have an active voice in shaping treatment goals. Distrust of community-based nurses and health workers to deliver an early ASD intervention and challenges associated with ASD-based stigma were two unanticipated findings from this data set. Implications for practice and further research are discussed.
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Independent proxies were assessed in two Late Quaternary sediment cores from the eastern South Atlantic to compare deep-water changes during the last 400 kyr. Two cores were recovered from beneath North Atlantic Deep Water (NADW) at approximately 3 000 m depth. Late Quaternary presence of NADW is indicated by the Cibicidoides wuellerstorfi assemblage on the Walvis Ridge (Core GeoB 1214) and the Bulimina alazanensis assemblage on the Namibian continental slope (Core GeoB 1710). The propagation of NADW is exclusively observed during interglacials, with maximum factor loadings in Stages 1, 5, 7, 9 and 11. These maxima are consistent with peaks in kaolinite/chlorite ratios and maxima of poorly crystalline smectite in the clay-mineral record. Kaolinite and poorly crystalline smectite are products of intense chemical weathering. They are injected into the NADW at low latitudes, north of the study area, and advected south. Chlorite, which is stable under cold weathering regimes, is a characteristic mineral of water masses of southern origin. During glacial stages, it is advected north with Southern Component Water (SCW). Above the NADW/SCW depths, kaolinite/chlorite ratios vary only slightly without a significant glacial-interglacial pattern, as measured in a core (GeoB 1712) from 1 000 m deep on the same profile of the Namibian continental slope off Walvis Bay.
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Lead isotopic compositions and Pb and Ba concentrations have been measured in ice cores from Law Dome, East Antarctica, covering the past 6500 years. 'Natural' background concentrations of Pb (ab. 0.4 pg/g) and Ba (ab. 1.3 pg/g) are observed until 1884 AD, after which increased Pb concentrations and lowered 206Pb/207Pb ratios indicate the influence of anthropogenic Pb. The isotopic composition of 'natural' Pb varies within the range 206Pb/207Pb=1.20-1.25 and 208Pb/207Pb=2.46-2.50, with an average rock and soil dust Pb contribution of 8-12%. A major pollution event is observed at Law Dome between 1884 and 1908 AD, elevating the Pb concentration four-fold and changing 206Pb/207Pb ratios in the ice to ab. 1.12. Based on Pb isotopic systematics and Pb emission statistics, this is attributed to Pb mined at Broken Hill and smelted at Broken Hill and Port Pirie, Australia. Anthropogenic Pb inputs are at their greatest from 1900 to 1910 and from ab. 1960 to ab. 1980. During the 20th century, Ba concentrations are consistently higher than 'natural' levels and are attributed to increased dust production, suggesting the influence of climate change and/or changes in land coverage with vegetation.
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During the period in question, large ice drifts transported incalculable numbers of icebergs, ice fields and ice floes from the Antarctica into the South Atlantic, confronting long-journeying sailing ships on the Cape Horn route with considerable danger. As is still the case today, the ice drifts generally tended in a northeasterly direction. Thus it can be assumed that the ice masses occuring near Cape Horn and in the South Atlantic originated in Graham Land and the South Shetland Islands, while those found in the Pacific will have come from Victoria Land. The masses drifting to Cape Horn, Isla de los Estados, the Falkland Islands and occasionally as far as the Tristan da Cunha Group are transported by the West Wind Drift and Falkland Current, diverted by the Brazil Current. The Bouvet and Agulhas Currents have little influence here. The great ice masses repeatedly reached points beyond the "outermost drift ice boundery" calculated in the course of the years, to continue on in the direction of the equator. The number of sailing ships which fell victim to the ice drifts while rounding Cape Horn can only be surmised; they simply disappeared without a trace in the expanses of the South Atlantic. Until the end of the 1900s the dangers presented by ice were less serious for westward-bound ships than for the "homeward-bounders" travelling from West to East. Following the turn of the century, however, the risk for "onwardbounders" increased significantly. Whether the ice drifts actually grew in might or whether the more frequent and more detailed reports led to this impression, could never be ascertained by the German Hydrographie Office. In the forty-one years between 1868 and 1908, ten light, ten medium and nine heavy ice years were counted, and only twelve years in which no reports of ice were submitted to the German Hydrographie Office. "One of the most terrible dangers threatening ships on their return from the Pacific Ocean," the pilot book for the Atlantic Ocean warns, "is the encounter with ice, to be expected south of the 50th parallel (approx.) in the Pacific and south of the 40th parallel (approx.) in the South Atlantic." Following the ice drift of 1854-55, thought to be the first ever recorded, the increasing numbers of sailing ships rounding Cape Horn were frequently confronted with drifts of varying sizes or with single icebergs. Then from 1892-94, a colossal ice drift crossed the path of the sailships in three stages. Several sailing ships collided with the icebergs and could be counted lucky if they survived with heavy damage to the bow and the fo regear. The reports on those which vanished for ever in the ice masses are hardly of investigative value. The English suffered particularly badly in the ice-plagued waters; their captains apparently sailed courses that led more freqently through drifts than did the sailing instructions of the German Hydrographic Office. Thus, among others, Capt. Jarvis' DUNTRUNE, also the STANMORE, ARTHURSTONE and LORD RANOCH as well as the French GALATHEE and CASHMERE all collided with icebergs. The crew of the AETHELBERTH panicked after a collision and took to their lifeboats. It was only after the ship detached itself from the iceberg it had rammed that the men returned to it and continued their journey. The TEMPLEMORE, on the other hand, had to be abandoned for good. Of the German sailing ships, the FLOTOW is to be mentioned here, and in the third phase of the drift the American SAN JOAQUIN lost a large proportion of its rigging. In the 20th century ice drifts continued to cross the courses of the Cape Horn ships. 1906 and 1908 were recorded as particularly heavy ice years. In 1908-09 both the FALKLANDBANK and the TOXTETH fell prey to ice, or so it was assumed during the subsequent Maritime Board proceedings. For the most part the German sailing ships were spared greater damages by sea. Their captains sent detailed ice reports to the German Hydrographic Office, which gratefully welcomed the information and partially incorporated it in the third and final edition of the "Pilot Book for the Atlantic Ocean." From the end of 1926 until the beginning of 1928, the last of the large sailing ships were once again confronted with "tremendous masses of icebergs and ice drifts." Reports of this period originated above all on the P-Liners PADUA, PAMIR, PASSAT, PEKING, PINNAS, PRIWALL and the ships of Gustav Erikson's fleet. The fate of the training sailship ADMIRAL KARPFANGER in connection with the ice in early 1938 was never clearly determined by the Maritime Board proceedings. Collision with an iceberg, however, is thought to be the most likely cause of accident. Today freight sailing ships no longer cross the oceans. The Cape Horn route is relatively insignificant for engine-powered ships and icebergs can be spotted in plenty of time by modern navigation technology ... The large ice drifts are no longer a menace, but only a marginal note in the final chapter of the history of transoceanic sailing.
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Individual planktonic microfossil species, or assemblage groups of different species, are often used to, qualitatively and/or quantitatively, reconstruct past (sub)surface-water conditions of the world's oceans and seas. Until now, little information has been available on the surface sediment distribution patterns and paleoenvironmental reconstruction potential of coccolith, calcareous dinoflagellate cyst and organic-walled dinoflagellate cyst assemblages of the South and equatorial Atlantic, especially at the species level. This paper (i) summarizes the distributions of these three phytoplanktonic microfossil groups in numerous Atlantic surface sediments from 20°N-50°S and 30°E-65°W and determines their relationship with the physicochemical and trophic conditions of the overlying (sub)surface-waters, and (ii) determines the synecology of the three phytoplankton groups by carrying out statistical analyses (i.e. detrended and canonical correspondence analyses) on all groups simultaneously. Ecological relationships are additionally strengthened by statistically comparing the distribution patterns of the phytoplankton groups with those of planktonic foraminifera (Pflaumann et al. 1996; Niebler et al. 1998), as the ecological preferences of the latter are much better known. Many of the analyzed phytoplanktonic microfossil species or groups of species in the surface sediments do show restricted distributions which primarily reflect the environmental conditions of the upper water masses above them (e.g. sea-surface temperature, productivity, stratification). The acquired 'reference' data sets are large and diverse enough to allow future development of transfer functions for the reconstruction of past surface-water conditions, and show that there is still an enormous paleoenvironmental reconstruction potential concealed in many fossil coccolith and dinoflagellate cyst assemblages.
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Surface samples, mostly from abyssal sediments of the South Atlantic, from parts of the equatorial Atlantic, and of the Antarctic Ocean, were investigated for clay content and clay mineral composition. Maps of relative clay mineral content were compiled, which improve previous maps by showing more details, especially at high latitudes. Large-scale relations regarding the origin and transport paths of detrital clay are revealed. High smectite concentrations are observed in abyssal regions, primarily derived from southernmost South America and from minor sources in Southwest Africa. Near submarine volcanoes of the Antarctic Ocean (South Sandwich, Bouvet Island) smectite contents exhibit distinct maxima, which is ascribed to the weathering of altered basalts and volcanic glasses. The illite distribution can be subdivided into five major zones including two maxima revealing both South African and Antarctic sources. A particularly high amount of Mg- and Fe-rich illites are observed close to East Antarctica. They are derived from biotite-bearing crystalline rocks and transported to the west by the East Antarctic Coastal Current. Chiorite and well-crystallized dioctaedral illite are typical minerals enriched within the Subantarctic and Polarfrontal-Zone but of minor importance off East Antarctica. Kaolinite dominates the clay mineral assemblage at low latitudes, where the continental source rocks (West Africa, Brazil) are mainly affected by intensive chemical weathering. Surprisingly, a slight increase of kaolinite is observed in the Enderby Basin and near the Filchner-Ronne Ice shelf. The investigated area can be subdivided into ten, large-scale clay facies zones with characteristic possible source regions and transport paths. Clay mineral assemblages of the largest part of the South Atlantic, especially of the western basins are dominated by chlorite and illite derived from the Antarctic Peninsula and southernmost South America and supported by advection within the Circumantarctic Deep Water flow. In contrast, the East Antarctic provinces are relatively small. Assemblages of the eastern basins north of 30°S are strongly influenced by African sources, controlled by weathering regimes on land and by a complex interaction of wind, river and deep ocean transport. The strong gradient in clay mineral composition at the Brazilian slope indicate a relatively low contribution of tropically derived assemblages to the western basins.
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During the 1996 Programma Nazionale di Ricerche in Antartide-International Trans-Antarctic Scientific Expedition traverse, two firn cores were retrieved from the Talos Dome area (East Antarctica) at elevations of 2316 m (TD, 89 m long) and 2246 m (ST556, 19 m long). Cores were dated by using seasonal variations in non-sea-salt (nss) SO42- concentrations coupled with the recognition of tritium marker level (1965-1966) and nss SO42- spikes due to the most important volcanic events in the past (Pinatubo 1991, Agung 1963, Krakatoa 1883, Tambora 1815, Kuwae 1452, Unknown 1259). The number of annual layers recognized in the TD and ST556 cores was 779 and 97, respectively. The dD record obtained from the TD core has been compared with other East Antarctic isotope ice core records (Dome C EPICA, South Pole, Taylor Dome). These records suggest cooler climate conditions between the middle of 16th and the beginning of 19th centuries, which might be related to the Little Ice Age (LIA) cold period. Because of the high degree of geographical variability, the strongest LIA cooling was not temporally synchronous over East Antarctica, and the analyzed records do not provide a coherent picture for East Antarctica. The accumulation rate record presented for the TD core shows a decrease during part of the LIA followed by an increment of about 11% in accumulation during the 20th century. At the ST556 site, the accumulation rate observed during the 20th century was quite stable.