846 resultados para Prospect


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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

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Martin Frobisher has been beating close family members about the head with an epergne. Frobisher, successful publisher and community leader, is in the City Remand Centre, awaiting trial for murder. What shadow has fallen across the comfortable lives of Frobisher, his ambitious wife Coralie and her flaky sister Madeleine? What has led a cultivated and reflective man, known to shoo spiders and earwigs out of the harm's way, to such reckless acts of violence?
With the prospect of imprisonment for the Term of his Natural Life, can Frobisher and his research assistant Petra find guidance in the life and fortunes of a brilliant young Englishman, marooned in Australia, 'the land of vulgarity and mob rule' more than a century earlier, and obsessed with the darker moments in the nation's history? Why does Frobisher appear to care more, in the end, about the life of Marcus Clarke than he does about his own?

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When I had to reapply for my own position as principal I felt as if I was facing the prospect of losing a part of myself. Conversations with other women colleagues confirmed that I was not alone in this response. Taking this as my cue, I explore the notion of principal “identification” practices—that is the continuing process of forming a “principal identity”—through personal narrative, a Cartesian metaphor and emerging research evidence. In particular, I focus on how conditions of entrepreneurial governance change a continuing policy commitment to heroic leadership, and how principal and school identities are conflated through accountability regimes, marketing requirements and work intensification. I propose that a study of changing principal identities might fruitfully add to critical leadership and management scholarship, complementing the emergent corpus on emotions in leadership.

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Background. Physical education (PE) aims to enhance self-esteem, develop sporting interests and to encourage a physically active life-style. However, little is known about how a fear of negative evaluation (FNE), the socially evaluative aspect of social anxiety, affects children's attitudes to PE.

Aim. The aim of the study was to investigate the relationships between perceived athletic competence and FNE within PE lessons, specifically looking at differences between boys and girls and primary and secondary schools.

Sample. The participants were 192 children in three primary schools (N=85, mean age=9.5±1.1 years) and two secondary schools (N=107, mean age=14.5±0.8 years) from rural areas of North Wales and the Midlands region of England.

Methods.
The participants completed the Brief-FNE Scale and the Self-Perception Profile for Children immediately post-lesson on one occasion.

Results. Girls had higher FNE but lower perceptions of athletic competence than did boys. Older girls had higher FNE and lower perceived competence than the remaining three groups. Additionally, a significant and reverse but weak correlation was observed between girls' perceived athletic competence and FNE.

Conclusions.
The findings suggest that girls with a high FNE report lower perceptions of their athletic competence. Individuals who are high in FNE behave in ways to avoid the prospect of being evaluated negatively. However, they may seek feedback from significant others as a signal that unfavourable evaluations have been avoided. Therefore, positive, encouraging feedback used in child-centred learning strategies may foster feelings of competence in boys and girls and could reduce the girls' social anxiety.

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It is often argued that at the root of the Taiwan question are the myriad differences in politics, ideology, identity, and economy between mainland China and Taiwan. Any prospect for its peaceful resolution, it seems, hinges on bridging those differences through economic and/or political integration. Although the Taiwan conundrum has much to do with wide-ranging cross-strait divergence, this article argues that it cannot be disconnected from one important commonality between Beijing and Taipei, namely, a cross-strait normative convergence on the Westphalian notion of state sovereignty. Encompassing an exclusionary understanding of final authority, territory, and identity, Westphalian sovereignty provides both Beijing and Taipei with a common meaning that Taiwan is an issue of sovereignty, central to their respective national identity and political survival and hence not subject to compromise. As a consequence, it argues that this common meaning is paradoxically responsible for much of the mistrust, tension, and deadlock in cross-strait relations. In order to find a long-term solution to the Taiwan impasse, we need to pay attention to this particular normative convergence as well as to the many differences across the Taiwan Strait.

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The last decade of Australian higher education has witnessed significant expansion in the provision of student places, relative to the Australian population, with student enrolment figures for undergraduate award courses in 1993 totalling 453,926, compared with 287,713 in 1983. Such expansion has raised considerable speculation amongst academics about the quality of students now entering university and their ability to successfully negotiate academic learning environments, particularly since the mid 1990s when unmet demand for higher education began to diminish; the assumption often being that lower entry scores are indicative of future academic problems. This is a significant issue for Australian regional universities, which historically have struggled to attract students with high entry scores and which are likely to experience even greater competition from metropolitan universities given the prospect of 'vouchers', a possibility (re)floated by the West Review, which will enable students to be more selective in their university of choice. Moreover, these 'problems' seem compounded for teacher educators who are required to deliver greater numbers of graduates to satisfy a current shortage of teachers in many Australian States and also to 'soak up' government funded places within their institutions that other faculties have been unable to fill, while drawing from a diminishing pool of high entry-scoring applicants. Within this context, this paper addresses the possibility for teacher educators of facing classes with increasing numbers of students with learning difficulties and learning disabilities, estimated in the early 1980s by Sykes (1982) to be about 5% of university students. In raising these issues, the paper makes two broad contributions. First, it engages with the discussion within the literature concerning competing definitions of university students' learning difficulties and learning disabilities, suggesting that the debate is unhelpful and that the differences are not that important when consideration is given to how they are experienced by students. Secondly, and flowing logically from this, the paper argues that rather than simply defining learning difficulty as intrinsic to students, academic learning environments, and those who construct them, are also implicated in the determination of how difficult (or otherwise) they are for students to access.

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The notion of being negligently and legally liable for poor teaching that results in the failure of students being able to achieve expected educational outcomes is an unimaginable prospect. However, there is an emerging trend of legal proceedings being brought against teachers, blaming them for low scores in literacy, numeracy or even the failure to pass an examination. The duty implied on educators to ensure the educational well-being of their students and the breach of such duty is what is commonly termed in the literature “educational malpractice” or “educational negligence.”

In this article, several cases relating to educational malpractice that took place in the U.S., the U.K., and Australia are reviewed, and the cases demonstrate that the courts are beginning to show a willingness to extend the tort of negligence to students’ intellectual harm. The author then conducted a small-scale investigation to ascertain the views of school principals regarding this issue, with very interesting results.

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With all the discussion around about health care reform in Australia we are missing a fundamental issue about health and illness. They are not the same! There is a disconnect between the rhetoric of reform, the apparent political support for prevention and health promotion, and the realities of decisions being taken and understanding of the underlying assumptions of health determinants.Preventing ill health and promoting health have been seen as the point of departure for good health care, at least rhetorically, ever since the Alma Ata Declaration (1978) and the Ottawa Charter (1986). Australia along with other member states of the WHO is signatories to both and they have underpinned official health policy with a rhetorical flourish in many a document since.

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Cities globally and nationally are facing a range of daunting challenges to respond to a suite of emerging imperatives including a low carbon future, oil vulnerability, demographic re-composition, and the prospect of unpredictable economic shocks. To pursue a future that is sustainable and resilient requires substantial transformation of existing urban areas and creation of new mechanisms to guide and manage delivery of physical, economic and social changes.

Mid-sized cities provide legible, nimble test beds for exploring cross-disciplinary models and innovative governance and delivery techniques. Australia’s ‘MidiCities’ – home to 4 million urban dwellers frequently overlooked by urban policy or research effort – are emerging as crucibles of innovation and experimentation. Most of these cities retain that essential key ingredient for sustainable urbanism, economic resilience and community identity: a strong, highly legible city centre with a tightly clustered diversity of facilities and functions – the multi-functional activity centre that metropolitan suburban hubs yearn to grow up to become!

These diverse MidiCities are passing a threshold of self-confident sophistication, and are now providing valuable lessons for each other, which could be adopted or adapted by metropolitan cities where scale and complexity can often overwhelm the search for new and appropriate approaches to delivery of rapid change while maintaining clear guidance toward the vision of a ‘preferred’ future. A network of professionals working with Australian and New Zealand MidiCities is coalescing toward a cross-disciplinary platform for exchange of experiences and information, mutual support, improved research and understanding, capacity-building and the refinement of new specialist skills and structures.

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This paper describes an experimental study of the Fuzzy ARTMAP (FAM) neural network as an autonomous learning system for pattern classification tasks. A benchmark database of radar signals from ionosphere has been employed for the system to classify arbitrary sequences of pattern into distinct categories. A number of simulations have been conducted systematically to evaluate the applicability and usefulness of FAM in this context. First, we identify the 'optimum' parameter settings of FAM for the problem at hand, and investigate the effects of different training schemes and learning rules on classification results, using an off-line learning methodology. We then examine a voting strategy to improve classification accuracy by combining results from multiple FAM classifiers. In addition to off-line learning, we evaluate the prospect of using FAM as an autonomously learning pattern classification system for on-line, non-stationary environments. The performance of FAM is comparable with other reported results, but with the added advantage of on-line and incremental learning.

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Low cost ferrite and bainite(FB) steels offer the prospect of high ultimate tensile strength combined with high hole expansion ratio. The enhanced strain hardening and formabilityof FB steels were primarily associated with the fine ferrite matrix, the low residual stresses and dislocation densityand compatible deformation between both phases.This overview describes the various techniques to produce FB steels, and comparestheresulting microstructure, tensile propertiesand tretchflangeabilitywith conventional HSLA and DP steels.A new generation of ultrafine ferrite and nano-scalebainiteautomotive steelsisunder development forthe futuredemands of extremely high strength and ductilitythroughthe fabricationtechnologiesinvolvingphase transformationsandplastic deformation.

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In the light of the Victorian State Government's move towards the development of 'Plan Melbourne' - a new metropolitan planning strategy currently being prepared to take Melbourne forward to 2050 - the following paper attempts to address the issue of how an inner city target of 90,000 new dwellings (Inner Metropolitan Action Plan - IMAP Strategy 5) will impact on existing inner Melbourne activity centres. Working with the prospect of establishing a more compact city within the inner Melbourne region, the paper will focus on key suburbs within the Port Phillip area. Working with a 'Housing Variance Model' based on household structure and dwelling type, the paper will attempt to assess the impact on urban morphology as capacity is progressively altered through a range of built form permutations.

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Policy directives in agriculture have long been concerned with encouraging low producing farmers to retire - with limited success. From a healthy ageing perspective, the choice to remain on the farm into advancing years could appear a desirable policy outcome. Yet as farmers age, many with little prospect of inter-generational succession, there is growing concern that some farm families are beginning to experience extraordinary isolation, reduced health and quality of life, and increasing vulnerability with seemingly no choice but to stay on the farm and soldier on. The John Richards Initiative in Aged Care in Rural Australia hosted a forum on ‘ageing farmers', where the issues of healthy ageing and the barriers to retirement were discussed from three different perspectives - the demographic and economic drivers of structural ageing in the farm sector, the cultural and identity issues underlying retirement choices of farmers and the health and well-being implications of ageing on-farm. This article brings these diverse and interdisciplinary viewpoints together to explore the challenges and options for ageing farmers, where the question may be shifting from concerns about ‘who will run the farm' to ‘who will be there to take care of me'?

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Continued population growth in Melbourne over the past decade has led to the development of a range of strategies and policies by State and Local levels of government to set an agenda for a more sustainable form of urban development. As the Victorian State government moves towards the development of 'Plan Melbourne', a new metropolitan planning strategy currently being prepared to take Melbourne forward to 2050, the following paper addresses the issue of how new residential built form will impact on and be accommodated in existing Inner Melbourne activity centres. Working with the prospect of establishing a more compact city in order to meet an inner city target of 90,000 new dwellings (Inner Metropolitan Action Plan - IMAP Strategy 5), the paper presents a 'Housing Variance Model' based on household structure and dwelling type. As capacity is progressively altered through a range of built form permutations, the research attempts to assess the impact on the urban morphology of a case study of four Major Activity Centres in the municipality of Port Phillip.