621 resultados para Presidential nominations


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The thesis investigates if with the free news production, people who post information on collaborative content sites, known as interacting, tend to reproduce information that was scheduled for Tv news. This study is a comparison of the collaborative content vehicles Vc reporter, Vc no G1 and Eu reporter with TV news SBT Brasil, Jornal Nacional, Jornal da Record and Jornal da Band. We sought to determine whether those newscasts guide the collaborative platforms. The hypothesis assumes that Brazilian TV news have been building over time a credible relationship with the viewer, so it is possible to think that the interacting use the same criteria for selecting the broadcasts and reproduce similar information in collaborative content sites. The method used was content analysis, based on the study of Laurence Bardin and the type of research used was quantitative. This research concluded that, within a small portion of the universe surveyed, there are schedules of television news across the collaborative content.

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A leitura compartilhada de livros para crianças é uma atividade que tem sido estudada como forma de ensino incidental de vocabulário, que envolve, dentre outros processos, o responder por exclusão. O objetivo do presente trabalho foi investigar a ocorrência de aprendizagem de relações entre estímulos visuais (figuras) com seus respectivos estímulos auditivos (palavras) a partir de diferentes condições de leitura compartilhada de livros para crianças com Síndrome de Down (SD) e com desenvolvimento típico (DT). Para a pesquisa foram desenvolvidos dois estudos. No Estudo 1, participaram seis crianças com SD com seis a sete anos, e seis crianças com DT com três a quatro anos (amostras pareadas em função do nível de vocabulário). Foi utilizado um livro de história produzido pela pesquisadora, no qual havia dois substantivos e dois adjetivos desconhecidos (estímulos visuais S1, S2, A1, A2), apresentados uma única vez na história. Esse livro foi lido para cada criança duas vezes em sequência por sessão e em cada sessão foi realizada uma condição de leitura diferente. Foram apresentadas três condições de leitura e cada criança passou por todas, mas em diferentes ordens (contrabalanceamento). Na Condição 1, o livro foi lido para a criança sem intervenções. Na Condição 2, o livro foi lido para a criança e ela tinha que repetir o nome dos estímulos desconhecidos. Na Condição 3, o livro foi lido e foram realizadas perguntas relacionadas aos estímulos-alvo. Ao final de cada sessão foram realizadas sondas de aprendizagem (sondas de emparelhamento ao modelo e nomeação), e após uma semana da última sessão foi aplicada uma sonda de manutenção e uma de generalização. As crianças com DT apresentaram maior número de acertos que as com SD, e os acertos foram mais relacionados ao estímulo S1. As crianças não aprenderam a relação nome-cor. A análise dos resultados sugeriu que o número de estímulos-alvo era excessivo e com apresentações insuficientes no livro. No Estudo 2 participaram seis crianças com DT de 3 a 4 anos e seis crianças com SD, de 5 a 8 anos. O procedimento utilizado no Estudo 2 foi semelhante ao primeiro com as seguintes alterações no livro: utilização de apenas duas relações-alvo (um substantivo-alvo e um adjetivo-alvo - S2 e A3), cada uma sendo apresentada três vezes ao longo da história, em figuras que possibilitavam o responder por exclusão. Também foi acrescentada uma tentativa de exclusão nas sondas de aprendizagem. Nesse estudo, todas as crianças com DT conseguiram selecionar e nomear estímulo S2 e duas mostraram indícios de aprendizagem do estímulo A3. As crianças com SD apresentaram um menor número de acertos nas sondas de emparelhamento, mas apresentaram algumas nomeações corretas, o que não foi observado no Estudo 1. Os dados sugerem que as mudanças realizadas no livro melhoram o desempenho das crianças com DT, mas não o das crianças com SD. Não foram encontradas diferenças entre as condições de leituras nos dois estudos. No entanto, são necessários estudos adicionais para avaliar essas diferentes condições e as variáveis envolvidas na aprendizagem de palavras a partir da leitura compartilhada de livro.

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Nos Estados republicanos modernos, o sistema de freios e contrapesos é um dos modelos institucionais responsável por assegurar o equilíbrio entre os Poderes e prevenir abusos por parte dos governantes. Dois questionamentos podem ser encontrados na literatura brasileira sobre o tema e fundamentam esta Dissertação: um geral sobre o suposto poder excessivo que o nosso sistema político confere ao Poder Executivo e outro, específico, de que nesse contexto, o veto teria um papel central na supremacia do presidente da república sobre o Congresso Nacional no âmbito do processo legislativo. Partindo dessas premissas, a pesquisa avalia se essas características estão condizentes com as expectativas e o desenho institucional proposto para o Estado brasileiro pela Assembleia Nacional Constituinte ANC de 1987. Com base nos anais da ANC e em referências históricas, conclui-se que, ao menos no tocante ao instituto do veto presidencial, o modelo de preponderância do Poder Executivo observado no processo legislativo decorreu de uma opção deliberada e reafirmada pela elite política em 1988, quando da promulgação da Constituição.

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As acceptance of the Evidence-based Psychology Practice (EBPP) model continues to grow (Pagoto, Spring, Coups, Mulvaney, Coutu, & Ozakinci, 2007), it seems pertinent to explore how this model can be applied in different settings. This topic is timely as practitioners in the field are being held ever more accountable for the efficacy of the treatments they employ (Pagoto et al., 2007). Increased scrutiny has resulted in a need to integrate research into practice in order to ensure continued relevance in the ever-changing realm of American health care (Luebbe, Radcliffe, Callands, Green & Thorn, 2007; Collins, Leffingwell & Belar, 2007; Chwalisz, 2003). This paper explores how the requirements set forth by the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Evidence-Based Practice (2006) can be implemented at the University of Denver's (DU) Professional Psychology Center (PPC), a training clinic for students enrolled in the Psy.D. program at DU's Graduate School of Professional Psychology (GSPP). In doing so, the methods employed by Collins et al. (2007) at Oklahoma State University (OSU) are used as a template and modified to accommodate differences between these two institutions.

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The Digital Public Library of America (DPLA) is a digital library that strives to serve the public through digital collections accumulated from a wide variety of partners. Our chosen topic for the DPLA exhibit project is Perspectives on the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War remains a controversial topic of national interest, making it a topic of depth and of many perspectives. Our goals with this exhibit were to gather different perspectives of the war through personal stories, the media, presidential administrations of the war, military personnel, and the general public, including famous figures. We strove to demonstrate the variety of perspectives on the Vietnam War through a variation of digital objects and content that will be engaging for users: both black and white and color photos, videos, and audio files. Furthermore, we wanted to ensure that our digital materials are of high quality, properly documented, and easy to search and find thus all of our objects are from DPLA and are from usable original sources. This poster will describe our processes for organizational, object selection, building our exhibit, attainment of our goals, and detailed steps of our overall operation. The poster will also include details about the minor issues and bumps that occurred while reaching our final product as well as the team members’ perspectives on the project as a whole including: problems, words to for the wise, and triumphs.

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This documentary is about the internal displacement of ethnic minorities brought about by politically instigated post-election violence towards ethnic minorities in all eight provinces, namely, Coast, Rift Valley, Western, Eastern, North Eastern, Central Kenya, Nairobi, and Nyanza. During the years of 1991 to 1996, over 15,000 people died and almost 300,000 were displaced in the Rift Valley, Central, Nyanza and Western provinces. Before the 1997 elections, violence erupted. Again, following the disputed presidential elections in December 2007 politically and ethnically instigated displacements resulted in human rights violations against 600,000 people in 8 provinces of Kenya.

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Four letters discussing news of friends and domestic politics and the presidential election, in addition to trade and purchases of certain goods.

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After the presidential elections on June 14th, the Iranian regime will continue its catch-me-if-you-can game with the international community until it has reached the nuclear threshold. Paradoxically, the key to a solution on the nuclear issue might just lie in discussions on a WMD-free Middle East, but only after Iran has obtained nuclear military capability. At that point, and in the context of a new arms race, both regional and international players may be persuaded that the Middle East has more to gain from negotiations on non-proliferation than from prolonged isolation and the prospect of intractable war.

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From the Introduction. In the aftermath of the EU’s enlargement towards Central and Eastern Europe, many scholars and observers of European integration were proclaiming that the French-German “engine” of Europe had come to an end. The political legitimacy of French-German initiatives was contested by coalitions of smaller member states and the ‘new Europe’ was calling for new leadership dynamics. However, the experience of the Eurozone debt crisis provided dramatic evidence that no alternative to the Franco-German partnership has yet to emerge in the enlarged EU. In a time of existential crisis, Franco-German initiatives appear to have remained the basic dynamic of integration. However, unlike in the past, agreements on steps forward have proven to be particularly difficult. This is largely due to these countries’ contrasting political economic policy ideas, cultures, and practices....the paper analyses the ideational ‘frames’ of the two leaders while tracing their discursive interactions against changing background conditions since the European debt crisis was triggered by Greece in October 2009 until the last measures taken in 2012 before the French Presidential elections. The empirical analysis is based on a systematic corpus of press conferences and media interviews by Nicolas Sarkozy and Angela Merkel after European summits. It is complemented by a number of press interviews including some given by their respective Finance Ministers) and important speeches in that same period of time.

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The quality and the sustainability of the democratic institutions established in post-independence Kosovo under the guidance of the international community depend to a large extent on the performance of its constitutional court. The considerable international investment in that court reflects this assessment. One of the reasons why Kosovo’s international supervision has recently been terminated is that such court has been deemed to be functioning well. But its performance has not yet adequately been scrutinized. This essay reviews its most significant judgments, including decisions that deposed a president, annulled a presidential election, prevented a general election, and abolished the inviolability of parliament. The analysis of the reasons and effects of such rulings leads to the conclusion that the court gravely lacks independence and is subject to heavy political interference, which also the international judges do not seem immune from. The performance of the court is both a manifestation and a cause of Kosovo’s acute governance problems, which its international supervision has failed to remedy. The international community’s approach towards the court is also an illustration of the reasons why statebuilding in Kosovo led to unsatisfactory results, despite unprecedented investment.

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The Greek government would like to promote the idea that the country is an equal partner in the EU system of governance, despite the country's economic, political, and social implosion. This presidency is characterised by poor leadership and a lack of vision. It is being called upon to coordinate a presidential agenda without being substantially involved in its drafting; it simply mediates between European institutions. This trend has a negative impact on the behaviour and trust of public administrators, whose personal investment is vital for the smooth functioning of the presidency. The paper concludes that Greece’s presidency of the Council of the EU cannot be the standard-bearer for a pro-European message.

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The coming weeks and months will be decisive for the general tenor of politics in Turkey. The country faces local elections this March, presidential elections in August and general elections next June, while top-level political scandals compound the deterioration in the state of democracy and rule of law. At the same time, stagnation in Turkey’s accession process continues to sour relations with the EU. In this new Policy Brief, Steven Blockmans puts forward a number of recommendations to help drive the EU accession process forward, namely the early opening of negotiation chapters 23 (judiciary and fundamental rights) and 24 (justice, freedom and security), in line with the EU’s so-called New Approach. In that way reform could not just be assured on paper, but a track record in implementation could be established throughout the process. To achieve this, member states, and Cyprus in particular, need to be persuaded to end their opposition to formulating benchmarks for the opening of accession negotiating chapters 23 and 24.

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The recent presidential and early parliamentary elections in Macedonia are only one illustration of the country’s long-term political condition: illiberal democracy. What is needed is a re-think of the instruments and the manner in which major international actors could and should foster constitutional liberalism in Macedonia. While recognising that the primary and essential responsibility lies with Macedonians themselves, the author calls for support to establish the Macedonian state’s capacity for the legitimate exercise of power.

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Ukraine’s parliamentary elections on 26 October 2014 seem set to be the most important and most challenging the country has ever held. For the first time in Ukraine’s history, the presidential election of Petro Poroshenko in May gave many Ukrainians new hope. His victory seemed to unite the country, being the first president to have won in most of the regions despite the ongoing conflict in the East. However, with many corrupt elites still in power, reforms have become hostage to vested interests and in-fighting which has raised fears of ‘business as usual’. This has made this election campaign set against a backdrop of serious challenges dominating the agenda for the foreseeable future. In this policy brief, Amanda Paul and Svitlana Kobzar explore the status of the reform agenda needed for a stable and democratic Ukraine as well as the challenges in the run up to the election including corruption, energy and EU relations.

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On 25 May Ukrainian businessman Petro Poroshenko became Ukraine’s fifth President, winning in the first round with some 54% of the vote, far ahead of Yulia Tymoshenko. While Poroshenko has been involved in Ukrainian politics for several years, including a short stint in the government of disposed President Viktor Yanukovych, his support and involvement in the EuroMaiden anti-government protests, along with the decision of Vitali Klitschko to drop out of the presidential race and support Poroshenko’s candidacy, were key to his success.