974 resultados para Mexican (Brig)


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ENGLISH: The Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission operates under the authority and direction of a convention originally entered into by the Republic of Costa Rica and the United States of America. The convention, which came into force in 1950, is open to adherence by other governments whose nationals fish for tropical tunas in the eastern Pacific Ocean. Under this provision Panama adhered in 1953, Ecuador in 1961, the United Mexican States in 1964, Canada in 1968, Japan in 1970 and France and Nicaragua in 1973. Ecuador withdrew from the Commission in 1968, Mexico in 1978, and Costa Rica in 1979. SPANISH: La Comisión Interamericana del Atún Tropical funciona bajo la autoridad y dirección de un convenio establecido originalmente por la República de Costa Rica y los Estados Unidos de América. El convenio vigente desde 1950, está abierto a la afiliación de otros gobiernos cuyos ciudadanos pescan atún en el Pacífico oriental tropical. Bajo esta estipulación, Panamá se afilió en 1953, Ecuador en 1961, los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en 1964, Canadá en 1968, Japón en 1970, Francia y Nicaragua en 1973. Ecuador se retiró de la Comisión en 1968, México en 1978 y Costa Rica en 1979. Como se informó en el informe anual de la Comisión de 1978, la XXXVI reunión de la Comisión, convocada en Tokio (Japón) del 16 al 18 de octubre de 1978, fue suspendida sin haberse adoptado ninguna acción para fijar una cuota de atún aleta amarilla en 1979. (PDF contains 236 pages.)

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ENGLISH: The Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission operates under the authority and direction of a convention originally entered into by the Republic of Costa Rica and the United States of America. The convention, which came into force in 1950, is open to adherence by other governments whose nationals fish for tropical tunas in the eastern Pacific Ocean. Under this provision Panama adhered in 1953, Ecuador in 1961, the United Mexican States in 1964, Canada in 1968, Japan in 1970 and France and Nicaragua in 1973. Ecuador withdrew from the Commission in 1968, Mexico in 1978, and Costa Rica in 1979. The Commission's 39th meeting was held in Paris, France, on October 19 to 21, 1981. SPANISH: La Comisión Interamericana del Atún Tropical funciona bajo la autoridad y dirección de un convenio establecido originalmente por la República de Costa Rica y los Estados Unidos de América. El convenio vigente desde 1950, está abierto a la afiliación de otros gobiernos cuyos ciudadanos pescan atún en el Pacífico oriental tropical. Bajo esta estipulación, Panamá se afilió en 1953, Ecuador en 1961, los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en 1964, Canadá en 1968, Japón en 1970, Francia y Nicaragua en 1973. Ecuador se retiró de la Comisión en 1968, México en 1978 y Costa Rica en 1979. Como se informó en el informe anual de la Comisión de 1978, la XXXVI reunión de la Comisión, convocada en Tokio (Japón) del 16 al 18 de octubre de 1978, fue suspendida sin haberse adoptado ninguna acción para fijar una cuota de atún aleta amarilla en 1979. La XXXIX reunión de la Comisión fue celebrada en París (Francia) del 19 al 21 de octubre de 1981. (PDF contains 304 pages.)

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ENGLISH: The Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission operates under the authority and direction of a convention originally entered into by the Republic of Costa Rica and the United States of America. The convention, which came into force in 1950, is open to adherence by other governments whose nationals fish for tropical tunas in the eastern Pacific Ocean. Under this provision Panama adhered in 1953, Ecuador in 1961, the United Mexican States in 1964, Canada in 1968, Japan in 1970 and France and Nicaragua in 1973. Ecuador withdrew from the Commission in 1968, Mexico in 1978, and Costa Rica in 1979. On October 19 and 20, the Commission held its 41st meeting in Ottawa, Canada. SPANISH: La Comisión Interamericana del Atún Tropical funciona bajo la autoridad y dirección de un convenio establecido originalmente por la República de Costa Rica y los Estados Unidos de América. El convenio vigente desde 1950, está abierto a la afiliación de otros gobiernos cuyos ciudadanos pescan atún en el Pacífico oriental tropical. Bajo esta estipulación, Panamá se afilió en 1953, Ecuador en 1961, los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en 1964, Canadá en 1968, Japón en 1970, Francia y Nicaragua en 1973. Ecuador se retiró de la Comisión en 1968, México en 1978 y Costa Rica en 1979. Como se informó en el informe anual de la Comisión de 1978, la XXXVI reunión de la Comisión, convocada en Tokio (Japón) del 16 al 18 de octubre de 1978, fue suspendida sin haberse adoptado ninguna acción para fijar una cuota de atún aleta amarilla en 1979. La XLI reunión de la Comisión fue convocada en Ottawa (Canadá) del 19 al 20 de octubre de 1983. (PDF contains 272 pages.)

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ENGLISH: The Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission operates under the authority and direction of a convention originally entered into by the Republic of Costa Rica and the United States of America. The convention, which came into force in 1950, is open to adherence by other governments whose nationals fish for tropical tunas in the eastern Pacific Ocean. Under this provision Panama adhered in 1953, Ecuador in 1961, the United Mexican States in 1964, Canada in 1968, Japan in 1970, and France and Nicaragua in 1973. Ecuador withdrew from the Commission in 1968, Mexico in 1978, Costa Rica in 1979, and Canada in 1984. On October 16,17, and 18, the Commission held its 42nd meeting in La Jolla, California. SPANISH: La Comisión Interamericana del Atún Tropical funciona bajo la autoridad y dirección de un convenio establecido originalmente por la República de Costa Rica y los Estados Unidos de América. El convenio, vigente desde 1950, está abierto a la afiliación de otros gobiernos cuyos ciudadanos pescan atún en el Pacífico oriental tropical. Bajo esta estipulación, Panamá se afilió en 1953, Ecuador en 1961, los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en 1964, Canadá en 1968, Japón en 1970, Francia y Nicaragua en 1973. Ecuador se retiró de la Comisión en 1968, México en 1978, Costa Rica en 1979 y Canadá en 1984. La XLII reunión de la Comisión fue convocada en La JoBa (California) el 16, 17 Y18 de octubre de 1984. (PDF contains 270 pages.)

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Os gêneros de peixes fósseis Oshunia e Placidichthys são holósteos pertencentes à Ordem Ionoscopiformes e provenientes do Cretáceo Inferior do Brasil, das bacias do Araripe e de Tucano. No clado Ionoscopiformes sensu Grande & Bemis (1998) estão incluídas as famílias Ionoscopidae e Ophiopsidae, todavia as relações internas deste grupo ainda são duvidosas. Oshunia e Placidichthys fazem parte das famílias Ionoscopidae e Ophiopsidae, respectivamente, sendo o gênero Oshunia considerado como mono-específico (cf., O. brevis), enquanto que Placidichthys apresenta duas espécies nominais (cf., P. bidorsalis e P. tucanensis). Em função destas espécies terem sido descritas a partir de poucos espécimes, ainda existiam várias lacunas no conhecimento em relação as mesmas, como, por exemplo, a possibilidade da existência de outras espécies no gênero Oshunia e a falta de informações anatômicas, especialmente do crânio, da região occipital, dos ossos da face e da nadadeira caudal das espécies de Placidichthys. Outro ponto em aberto na literatura era a posição filogenética dos dois gêneros. Frente a estas questões, o objetivo da presente dissertação foi realizar uma revisão anatômica dos gêneros Oshunia e Placidichthys, a fim de ampliar o conhecimento anatômico e taxonômico acerca dos mesmos, além realizar uma análise filogenética da Ordem Ionoscopiformes, baseada em matrizes de caracteres existentes na literatura, para se obter um melhor posicionamento dessas espécies brasileiras. Em função da facilidade de acesso a material mexicano, também foram incluídos nesta revisão os gêneros Teoichthys e Tuetzalichthys provenientes do Cretáceo da Formação Tlayúa, estes também peixes fósseis holósteos pertencentes à Ordem Ionoscopiformes. Do ponto de vista taxonômico, não foi possível confirmar a existência de novas espécies para o gênero Oshunia, entretanto ficou clara a presença de uma nova espécie pertencente ao gênero mexicano Teoichthys. A presente revisão proporcionou uma série de novas informações sobre a anatomia destas espécies de Ionoscopiformes, tais como a descrição dos ossos circumorbitais e do teto craniano e uma reinterpretação acerca da nadadeira dorsal de Placidichthys bidorsalis, ou ainda sobre a forma do rostral de Teoichthys kallistos. Da mesma maneira, esta revisão também ofereceu novos dados para a construção de uma nova hipótese filogenética para Ionoscopiformes, a qual se mostrou consideravelmente distinta das hipóteses filogenéticas anteriores (cf., relações internas de Ionoscopidae e o posicionamento do gênero Teoichthys). O baixo suporte para grande parte dos clados torna evidente a fragilidade das hipóteses de relacionamento interno do clado Ionoscopiformes, bem como a necessidade de uma revisão mais aprofundada das outras espécies deste grupo e dos caracteres a serem utilizados em futuras análises filogenéticas.

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O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar contos selecionados e o romance Under the Feet of Jesus da escritora chicana Helena María Viramontes, enfocando a apropriação de mitos astecas e lendas mexicanas protagonizados por figuras femininas, históricas ou míticas, como La Manlinche, La Llorona e The Hungry Woman. Esta re-visão crítica do passado tem um papel vital para as chicanas, reais e ficcionais, ao enfrentarem o domínio patriarcal, colonial e neocolonial. Devido à complexidade gerada pela ausência de linearidade narrativa, tanto nos contos como no romance, tornou-se necessária uma breve análise das estratégias narrativas a fim de ilustrar como tais estratégias estão intrinsecamente ligadas à apresentação fragmentada da vida dos trabalhadores migrantes. Foi igualmente indispensável examinar as demais práticas narrativas da autora tais como focalização, desconstrução, simultaneidade e justaposição, assim como o elo, por ela proposto em Under the Feet of Jesus, entre leitura, identidade, e engajamento com o mundo para promover a transformação social

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We modeled the probability of capturing Pacif ic mackerel (Scomber japonicus) larvae as a function of environmental variables for the Southern California Bight (SCB) most years from 1951 through 2008 and Mexican waters offshore of Baja California from 1951 through 1984. The model exhibited acceptable fit, as indicated by the area under a receiver-operating-characteristic curve of 0.80 but was inconsistent with the zero catches that occurred frequently in the 2000s. Two types of spawners overlapped spatially within the survey area: those that exhibited peak spawning during April in the SCB at about 15.5°C and a smaller group that exhibited peak spawning in August near Punta Eugenia, Mexico, at 20°C or greater. The SCB generally had greater zooplankton than Mexican waters but less appropriate (lower) geostrophic f lows. Mexican waters generally exhibited greater predicted habitat quality than the SCB in cold years. Predicted quality of the habitat in the SCB was greater from the 1980s to 2008 than in the earlier years of the survey primarily because temperatures and geostrophic flows were more appropriate for larvae. However, stock size the previous year had a larger effect on predictions than any environmental variable, indicating that larval Pacific mackerel did not fully occupy the suitable habitat during most years.

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The broad distribution of Pacific sardine (Sardinops sagax) along the Pacif ic coast of North America makes it difficult for fisheries managers to identify regional stocks of this dominant small pelagic species. An investigation of morphometric characteristics of otoliths of Pacific sardine across most of their range revealed regional differences in populations. In a survey of over 2000 otoliths, all ages (with an emphasis on age-1 recruits) were compared. Principal components analysis, multivariate analysis of variance, and a novel method derived from regression and residuals calculations, termed perimeter-weight profiles (PWPs), revealed otolith similarities and differences. The results of the different approaches to statistical comparisons did not always agree. Sardine otoliths from Mexican waters were generally lighter and more lobate than those from U.S. and Canadian populations. Age-1 otoliths from northern California in 2006–07 tended to be heavier and smoother than those from other areas, including year-class cohorts from southern California. Comparisons of age-groups and year-classes of northern California otoliths with the use of the PWP models indicated signif icant trends in year-to-year patterns. In conjunction with other established indices of population structure, otolith PWPs are a useful tool for identifying local and regional stocks of Pacific sardine and may help distinguish populations of other fish species as well.

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Fishery catch data on yellowfin tuna (Thunnus albacares) were examined to study the effects of El Niño events between 1990 and 1999 for an area in the northeastern tropical Pacific (18−24°N, 112−104°W). The data were extracted from a database of logbook records from the Mexican tuna purse-seine f leet. Latitudinal distribution of the catches increased from south to north for the 10-year period. Highest catches and effort were concentrated between 22°N and 23°N. This area accumulated 48% of the total catch over the 10year period. It was strongly correlated with El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) events. At least two periods of exceptionally high catches occurred following El Niño events in 1991 and 1997. Peaks of catches were triggered by the arrival of positive anomalies of sea surface temperature (SST) to the area. A delay of two to four months was observed between the occurrence of maximum SST anomalies at the equator and peaks of catch. Prior to these two events, negative SST anomalies were the dominant feature in the study area and catch was extremely low. This trend of negative SST anomalies with low catches followed by positive SST anomalies and high catches may be attributed to northward yellowfin tuna migration patterns driven by El Niño forcing, a result that contrasts with the known behavior of decreasing relative abundance of these tuna after El Niño events in the eastern Pacific. However, this decrease in relative abundance may be the result of a local or subregional effect.

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O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar o viés coletivo da autobiografia ficcional de Face of an angel, da escritora estadunidense e de origem mexicana Denise Chávez. Desse modo, o trabalho pretende discutir a sociedade chicana descrita sob a ótica da narradora/protagonista, Soveida Dosamantes, investigando desde o processo histórico de que é resultado, passando pela iniquidade entre os papéis desempenhados por homens e mulheres até chegar ao discurso autorreferencial com que a narradora/protagonista representa o ambiente cultural em que se insere. Antes da narrativa propriamente dita, há a árvore genealógica da narradora/protagonista, assinalando que o que vai se descortinar ao longo da leitura é uma saga de família. Assim, Soveida Dosamantes utiliza a sua ambiência doméstica, bem como a comunidade da fictícia cidade de Água Oscura, sua cidade natal, como recorte de uma estrutura social maior. Fazendo uso do discurso autobiográfico, a narradora/protagonista criada por Denise Chávez expõe as mazelas de uma comunidade que, em virtude ser produto do colonialismo e do neocolonialismo, perdeu sua identidade cultural. Em Face of an angel, através do relato em primeira pessoa de sua narradora/protagonista, a autora Denise Chávez reproduz o universo em que nasceu e cresceu. Cedendo a Soveida Dosamantes componentes autobiográficos como complicadas relações familiares, personagens femininas nativas que funcionam como sentinelas de práticas ancestrais que o domínio europeu apagou, personagens masculinos que mascaram sua fragilidade por trás de uma força e de um poder aparentes, Chávez representa em Face of an Angel o microcosmos de uma comunidade que vem, aos poucos, subvertendo o discurso oficial e conquistando o seu terreno no panorama político e social estadunidense

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The 19th century commercial ship-based fishery for gray whales, Eschrichtius robustus, in the eastern North Pacific began in 1846 and continued until the mid 1870’s in southern areas and the 1880’s in the north. Henderson identified three periods in the southern part of the fishery: Initial, 1846–1854; Bonanza, 1855–1865; and Declining, 1866–1874. The largest catches were made by “lagoon whaling” in or immediately outside the whale population’s main wintering areas in Mexico—Magdalena Bay, Scammon’s Lagoon, and San Ignacio Lagoon. Large catches were also made by “coastal” or “alongshore” whaling where the whalers attacked animals as they migrated along the coast. Gray whales were also hunted to a limited extent on their feeding grounds in the Bering and Chukchi Seas in summer. Using all available sources, we identified 657 visits by whaling vessels to the Mexican whaling grounds during the gray whale breeding and calving seasons between 1846 and 1874. We then estimated the total number of such visits in which the whalers engaged in gray whaling. We also read logbooks from a sample of known visits to estimate catch per visit and the rate at which struck animals were lost. This resulted in an overall estimate of 5,269 gray whales (SE = 223.4) landed by the ship-based fleet (including both American and foreign vessels) in the Mexican whaling grounds from 1846 to 1874. Our “best” estimate of the number of gray whales removed from the eastern North Pacific (i.e. catch plus hunting loss) lies somewhere between 6,124 and 8,021, depending on assumptions about survival of struck-but-lost whales. Our estimates can be compared to those by Henderson (1984), who estimated that 5,542–5,507 gray whales were secured and processed by ship-based whalers between 1846 and 1874; Scammon (1874), who believed the total kill over the same period (of eastern gray whales by all whalers in all areas) did not exceed 10,800; and Best (1987), who estimated the total landed catch of gray whales (eastern and western) by American ship-based whalers at 2,665 or 3,013 (method-dependent) from 1850 to 1879. Our new estimates are not high enough to resolve apparent inconsistencies between the catch history and estimates of historical abundance based on genetic variability. We suggest several lines of further research that may help resolve these inconsistencies.

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The bay scallop, Argopecten irradians amplicostatus, has been present in the coastal lagoons of northeastern Mexico from Laguna Madre, Tamaulipas, to Tuxpan, Veracruz. But now, usually scarce in all lagoons, the scallop is harvested sporadically by fishermen who wade and collect them by hand and with tongs. Some are eaten by the fishermen and some are sold. They bring the fishermen about 60 pesos (5.88US$)/kg. Only the adductor muscles are eaten; they are prepared in cocktails and in ceviche. Little evidence exists that this scallop species was used in the early Mexican cultures.

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England and Long Island, N.Y., made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has given consumers a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Tabasco leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certified beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has provided consumers with a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Campeche leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certifi ed beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.