839 resultados para Labor in politics


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This roundtable session focus on religious and social change as well as democracy and political culture, startingfrom the role of youth in these processes. The role of religion in young people’s participation is a key theme inthe cross-disciplinary network “youth and religion” connected to the Impact program. Participation here includesboth citizens’ “vertical” capacities to make their voices heard and influence decision-makers in the political system(e.g. via elections or civic organizations and social movements) and their “horizontal” capacities to communicateand cooperate with other people (within society at large or certain associations/communities). The participants ofthe session will present influential theories and methodologies used to study participation among youth within theresearch disciplines they represent (i.e. sociology of religion; theology; ethnology; political science). This will befollowed by a joint discussion of how these theories and methodologies have approached religious involvement witha particular focus on youth’s participation in politics, civil society as well as social media and the internet. The aim ofthe session is to look for common themes and new issues that can guide contemporary studies of participation in thefield of youth and religion. The session is open to conference participants interested in the issues discussed.

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Book revew: Marketinggeschichte: die Genese einer modernen Sozialtechnik [Marketing history: The genesis of a modern social technique], edited by Hartmut Berghoff, Frankfurt/Main, Campus Verlag, 2007, 409 pp., illus., [euro]30.00 (paperback), ISBN 978-3-593-38323-1. This edited volume is the result of a workshop at Göttingen University in 2006 and combines a number of different approaches to the research into the history of marketing in Germany's economy and society. The majority of contributions loosely focus around the occurrence of a ‘marketing revolution’ in the 1970s, which ties in with interpretations of the Americanisation of German business. This revolution replaced the indigenous German idea of Absatzwirtschaft (the economics of sales) with the American-influenced idea of Marketing, which was less functionally oriented and more strategic, and which aimed to connect processes within the firm in order to allow a greater focus on the consumer. The entire volume is framed by Hartmut Berghoff's substantial and informative introduction, which introduces a number of actors and trends beyond the content of the volume. Throughout the various contributions, authors provide explanations of the timing and nature of marketing revolutions. Alexander Engel identifies an earlier revolution in the marketing of dyes, which undergoes major change with the emergence of chemical dyes. While the natural dyestuff had been a commodity, with producers removed from consumers via a global network of traders, chemical dyes were products and were branded at an early stage. This was a fundamental change in the nature of production and sales. As Roman Rossfeld shows in his contribution on the Swiss chocolate industry (which focuses almost exclusively on Suchard), even companies that produced non-essential consumer goods which had always required some measure of labelling grappled for years with the need to develop fewer and higher impact brands, as well as an efficient sales operation. A good example for the classical ‘marketing revolution’ of the 1970s is the German automobile industry. Ingo Köhler convincingly argues that the crisis situation of German car manufacturers – the change from a seller's to a buyer's market, appreciation of the German mark which undermines exports, the oil crises coupled with higher inflation and greater frugality of consumers and the emergence of new competitors – lead companies to refocus from production to the demands of the consumer. While he highlights the role of Ford in responding most rapidly to these problems, he does not address whether the multinational was potentially transferring American knowledge to the German market. Similarly, Paul Erker illustrates that a marketing revolution in transport and logistics happened much later, because the market remained highly regulated until the 1980s. Both Paul Erker and Uwe Spiekermann in their contribution, present comparisons of two different sectors or companies (the tire manufacturer Continental and the logistics company Dachser, and agriculture and trade, respectively). In both cases, however, it remains unclear why these examples were chosen for comparison, as both seem to have little in common and are not always effectively used to demonstrate differences. The weakest section of the book is the development of marketing as an academic discipline. The attempt at sketching the phases in the evolution of marketing as an academic discipline by Ursula Hansen and Matthias Bode opens with an undergraduate-level explanation on the methodology of historical periodisation that seems extraneous. Considerably stronger is the section on the wider societal impact of marketing, and Anja Kruke shows how the new techniques of opinion research was accepted by politics and business – surprisingly more readily by politicians than their commercial counterparts. In terms of contemporary personalities, Hans Domizlaff emerges as one fascinating figure of German marketing history, which several contributors refer to and whose career as the German cigarette manufacturer Reemtsma is critically analysed by Tino Jacobs. Domizlaff was Germany's own ‘marketing guru’, whose successful campaigns led to the wide-ranging reception of his ideas about the nature of good branding and marketing. These are variously described as intuitive, elitist, and sachlich, a German concept of a sober, fact-based, and ‘no frills’ approach. Domizlaff did not believe in market research. Rather, he saw the genius of the individual advertiser as key to intuitively ascertaining the people's moods, wishes, and desires. This seems to have made him peculiarly suited to the tastes of the German middle class, according to Thomas Mergel's contribution on the nature of political marketing in the republic. Especially in politics, any form of hard sales tactics were severely frowned upon and considered to demean the citizen as incapable of making an informed choice, a mentality that he dates back to the traditions of nineteenth-century liberalism. Part of this disdain of ‘selling politics like toothpaste’ was also founded on the highly effective use of branding by the National Socialists, who identified their party through the use of an increasingly standardised image of Adolf Hitler and the swastika. Alexander Schug extends on previous research that criticised the simplistic notion of Hitler's charisma as the only explanation of the popular success and distances his approach from those who see it in terms of propaganda and demagogy. He argues that the NSDAP used the tools of advertising and branding precisely because they had to introduce their new ideology into a political marketplace dominated by more established parties. In this they were undoubtedly successful, more so than they intended: as bakers sold swastika cookies and butchers formed Führer heads out of lard, the NSDAP sought to regain control over the now effectively iconic images that constituted their brand, which was in danger of being trivialised and devalued. Key to understanding the history of marketing in Germany is on the one hand the exchange of ideas with the United States, and on the other the impact of national-socialist policies, and the question whether they were a force of modernisation or retardation. The general argument in the volume appears to favour the latter explanation. In the 1930s, some of the leading marketing experts emigrated to the USA, leaving German academia and business isolated. The aftermath of the Second World War left a country that needed to increase production to satisfy consumer demand, and there was little interest in advanced sales techniques. Although the Nazis were progressive in applying new marketing methods to their political campaign, this retarded the adoption of sales techniques in politics for a long time. Germany saw the development of idiosyncratic approaches by people like Domizlaff in the 1930s and 1940s, when it lost some leading thinkers, and only engaged with American marketing conceptions in the 1960s and 1970s, when consumers eventually became more important than producers.

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International non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are powerful political players who aim to influence global society. In order to be effective on a global scale, they must communicate their goals and achievements in different languages. Translation and translation policy play an essential role here. Despite NGOs’ important position in politics and society, not much is known about how these organisations, who often have limited funds available, organise their translation work. This study aims to contribute to Translation Studies, and more specifically to investigating institutional translation, by exploring translation policies at Amnesty International, one of the most successful and powerful human rights NGOs around the world. Translation policy is understood as comprising three components: translation management, translation practices, and translation beliefs, based on Spolsky’s study of language policy (2004). The thesis investigates how translation is organised and what kind of policies different Amnesty offices have in place, and how this is reflected in their translation products. The thesis thus also pursues how translation and translation policy impact on the organisation’s message and voice as it is spread around the world. An ethnographic approach is used for the analysis of various data sets that were collected during fieldwork. These include policy documents, guidelines on writing and translation, recorded interviews, e-mail correspondence, and fieldnotes. The thesis at first explores Amnesty’s global translation policy, and then presents the results of a comparative analysis of local translation policies at two concrete institutions: Amnesty International Language Resource Centre in Paris (AILRC-FR) and Amnesty International Vlaanderen (AIVL). A corpus of English source texts and Dutch (AIVL) and French (AILRC-FR) target texts are analysed. The findings of the analysis of translation policies and of the translation products are then combined to illustrate how translation impacts on Amnesty’s message and voice. The research results show that there are large differences in how translation is organised depending on the local office and the language(s), and that this also influences the way in which Amnesty’s message and voice are represented. For Dutch and French specifically, translation policies and translation products differ considerably. The thesis describes how these differences are often the result of different beliefs and assumptions relating to translation, and that staff members within Amnesty are not aware of the different conceptions of translation that exist within Amnesty International as a formal institution. Organising opportunities where translation can be discussed (meetings, workshops, online platforms) can help in reducing such differences. The thesis concludes by suggesting that an increased awareness of these issues will enable Amnesty to make more effective use of translation in its fight against human rights violations.

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Religion is a dynamic concept. It can be a means of supporting masculinist power structures as well as a means for challenging established gender hierarchies. This article therefore suggests the proposition that it is not religion as such constituting a problem for the human rights of women but the privileging of patriarchal interpretations of religion and the marginalization of progressive interpretations in many contexts, respectively. From an empirical perspective, thus, the question of the concrete conditions contributing to the ability of conservative religious actors to enforce their patriarchal views in politics and society arises. This article consults existing empirical studies on predominantly Christian democracies and Muslim societies to find answers to this question. It discusses the impact that the institutional relations between the state and religion, the significance of religion in the political party system as well as the confessional composition and the strength of religiosity in a society have on the human rights of women. The article, moreover, deals with the effect of democracy and certain rights on the promotion of women's rights in religious contexts. It demonstrates the requirement of and provides suggestions for further empirical research in this area.

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Tanulmányunk célja a versenyképesség közösségi beágyazottságának elemzéséhez alkalmas elemzési keretek bemutatása és a versenyképesség fogalmának elemzése a fogalom intézményi, normatív tartalma szempontjából. Célunk a közösségi versenyképesség fogalmának és az ezt elemezni képes megközelítés kidolgozása. A feladat kettős: 1. A versenyképesség értelmezése a döntések közösségi keretei szempontjából 2. A közösségi keretek versenyképességre gyakorolt hatásának elemzése Ennek érdekében a tanulmány első fejezetében az egyéni döntést meghatározó tényezőket és az egyéni döntések jövőbeli interakciók környezetére gyakorolt hatását elemző keretet vázoljuk fel. Megközelítésünk szerint az egyéni döntést négy tényező határozza meg. a közösségi környezet, a természeti környezet, s személyes jellemzők és az interakciós partnerek. Az ez alapján születő döntések formálják a jövőbeli döntési környezetet. A döntések hatásának elemzéséhez a környezetre gyakorolt hatások értékelését orientáló fogalomra van szükség. Elemzésünk esetében ez a fogalom az értékteremtés, amit a következőképp határozunk meg: az értékteremtő tevékenységek során valaki arra törekszik, hogy saját személyes céljait a másokkal való kölcsönösen előnyös együttműködések lehetőségeinek bővítésével, hozamainak növelésével szolgálja. A második fejezetben az egyéni döntések közösségi kereteit és az egyéni döntések közösségre gyakorolt hatását elemezzük részletesen. A formális és informális intézmények világát, a közösségi magatartásokat szabályozó normák és konvenciók rendszerét a következő öt – a valóságban gyakran keveredő - alapelemre bontjuk értékrend, konvenció, közösségi szabály, hivatalos előírás, egyének közötti megállapodás. Ezek közül a magánszereplők együttműködésének az érintett szereplők által módosítható intézményi elemeinek (konvenció, megállapodás) alkalmazkodása a leggyorsabb, a közösség egészét irányító formális intézmények a status quo iránti elfogultságuk miatt lomhábbak, míg a közösség életét informálisan befolyásoló normák a legstabilabb intézményi elemek. A közösségek változása általában lassú, legtöbbször nem szándékolt hatások következménye. Mindezek mellett a közösségi intézmények tudatos alakításában komoly szerepe van (1) a konvenciókat megújító intézményi innovátoroknak, (2) a szerződéses formulákon módosító vállalkozóknak és (3) a hivatalos előírások formálásába bekapcsolódó politikai szereplőknek politikai vállalkozóként, tisztviselőként, vagy közéleti résztvevőként. A harmadik fejezetben a versenyképesség fogalmát elemezzük, és ez alapján határozzuk meg a közösségi versenyképesség fogalmát. Megvizsgáljuk, milyen feltevésekkel él a fogalom a közösségi környezettel kapcsolatban, illetve milyen normatív elemei vannak a definíciónak. A vizsgálathoz a versenyképesség fogalmának egy lecsupaszított változatát használtuk. E szerint a versenyképesség valaki képessége értékteremtő módon bekapcsolódni a gazdasági munkamegosztásba úgy, hogy tevékenysége relatív hozama nem csökken. Az elemzés alapján a versenyképesség a közösségi környezet következő hét elemére épül: 1. A közösség tagjainak és a tagság tartalmának meghatározottsága; 2. a potenciális együttműködő felek közös múltja, jövője, konvenció- és normarendszere; 3. A gazdasági együttműködés intézményeinek (csere, vállalkozás, tulajdon, szerződés) működőképessége; 4. Az értékteremtés normatív koncepciója és az arra épülő részleteiben meghatározott, és részleteiben is közösségi legitimációval bíró szabályrendszer; 5. Az innovációt támogató és a kellően rugalmas értékrend és közösségi szabályok. 6. A gazdasági munkamegosztás igényeihez részleteiben és változásával is igazodó konvenciók, hivatalos előírások és szerződések; 7. A közösségi környezet tudatos alakításával foglalkozó szereplők (közösségi innovátorok, vállalkozók és politikai szereplők) motivációja és lehetősége a hozamok relatív szintjének tartását támogató intézményi környezet karbantartásában. A versenyképesség fogalmának intézményi elemzése rámutat, hogy a fogalom gazdag értéktartalommal és határozott közösségi intézményrendszer-képpel rendelkezik. A közösségi versenyképesség ez alapján a versenyképesség fogalmába kódolt közösségi környezetként határozható meg. A kutatás következő lépése a közösségi versenyképesség meghatározása, az azt befolyásoló mechanizmusok feltárása és javítását támogató elemzési eszközök, gyakorlati segédletek kidolgozása. Ezen feladatok előkészítése érdekében a tanulmány mellékletében két történelmi esettanulmányt mutatunk be, röviden áttekintjük a téma szempontjából releváns irodalom főbb eredményeit és bemutatunk egy praktikus alkalmazásra szánt normatív elemzési eszközt, mellyel az elemezhető, hogy az állami lépések mennyire bátorítják az értékteremtő vállalkozást. _________ This paper (1) introduces an analytical framework to study the impact of the community on competitiveness and (2) analyses the institutional and normative content in the concept of competitiveness. The goal is to elaborate an approach that supports the definition and analysis of the ‘competiveness of community’. This task has two main parts: 1. interpretation of competiveness from social choice perspective 2. assessing the impact of social settings on the competiveness of a community The first chapter of the study draws up an analytical framework to study the social factors of individual decisions and their impact on the environment of future interactions. We focus on four main factors that shape setting of future interactions: social environment, natural environment, personal characteristics and partners in interactions. We use the concept of value creation to assess the impact of individual decisions on these factors. The second chapter discusses the social factors of individual decisions and the impact of individual decisions on the community. Institutions are conceptualized as value systems, conventions, community rules, official rules and contracts in the study. The conventions and contracts can accommodate to the changes of environment more smoothly, formal institutions are less flexible due to their bias toward status quo. Informal rules and value systems resists change more frequently. The formation of social environment is usually slow and based on unintended effects. Altogether (1) innovators who revise social conventions, (2) entrepreneurs who reshape contracts and (4) political entrepreneurs who formulate formal rules have influential roles on the institutional setting. The third chapter discusses the social assumptions included into the definition of competitiveness and we give a definition for the competiveness of communities. A simplified definition of competitiveness is used for this analysis: competiveness is someone’s ability and motivation to participate in the economic division of labor in a way that is based on value creation and maintains the relative return of activities. Our analysis reveals that competitiveness assumes the following features of the community: 1. Defined membership of community: who are the members and what does membership mean. 2. Common past, future, convention and norm system of the potential participants of interactions 3. Functionality of institutions that facilitate division of labor (exchange, entrepreneurship, property, contract) 4. Existing normative concept on value creation and social accepted rules that govern interactions 5. Value system and rules that promote innovation 6. Conventions, official norms and contracts that fits to economic division of labor in a detailed and dynamic way 7. Motivation and potential of actors who shape social environment consciously to maintain institutions in order to sustain the relative return of economic activities This analysis shows that the concept of competitiveness assumes well established values and detailed expectations on institutional settings. Followingly, competiveness of community can be defined with these criteria of social environment. Two historical case studies and the draft of a policy oriented toolkit demonstrate the applicability of the introduced approach in the appendix. The core findings of the literature are also reviewed there.

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This thesis developed a conceptual framework aimed at enhancing our understanding of contemporary child slavery. A new variety of slavery exists today, the result of forms of forced servitude that existed alongside slavery many centuries ago. This is tantamount to slavery. There is, however, a critical lack of awareness about important aspects of the reality of this new child slavery. The framework and definitions of slavery in usage today, though interesting and sufficient to cover historical situations, are unable to adequately describe the conditions of the child slavery. Using existing literature and research, this thesis conceptualized children's labor in a manner that allows a clearer perception of the exploitation of their labor within and beyond the household. Explanatory factors such as culture, the age of victims, the number of hours worked and the ability or not of the victim to volunteer or withdraw their participation in the specific activities were employed to determine if particular situations should be considered as child slavery, repressive child labor or merely as child work. Important distinctions were made between the use of children's mental and physical energy in defined activities. ^

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The concept of a global civil society is gaining greater acceptance among International Relations (IR) scholars, yet few studies exist that look at the role of fraternal organizations and their influence in constructing this realm. Freemasonry, one of the oldest fraternal orders, exerts a powerful influence on its membership through its symbolism, architecture and ritual, based on the tenets of mutual respect and tolerance towards all human beings. Such principles helped in creating a body of practices and institutions as early as the eighteenth century which two hundred years later were identified and conceptualized as global civil society. ^ The allegations of anti-Masons and conspiracy theorists offer a continuous account of Masonry's influence on the political scene since its modern founding in 1717 Great Britain. Conspiracy theorists portray the coming of a New World Order, orchestrated and directed by a secret hierarchy of Masons/Illuminati. Even though the lens of conspiracy theories paints a distorted view of reality, it does focus attention to Freemasonry's activities as a major player in politics over the span of three centuries. Not only do such theories challenge the novelty of practices that make up a global civil society, but also the notion that it is an inclusive and growing sector that unites people across the globe. They also provide a valuable critique by pointing out the inconsistencies and discriminatory practices of Masonry as contrasted with the lofty ideals and aims for humanity. ^ The Masonic influence in the social world is perceived as one that reflects the liberal worldview where the nation-state and power structures are in pursuit of human progress, or profit. The symbolism of Masonry, however, carries a message that can be characterized as representing republican ideals. Masonic symbolism and ritual create spaces of meaning where the contradictions between the ideals and the structures of inequality and elitism can be resolved. Freemasonry as a symbolic system proclaiming their inherent republican values does have a global reach. However, the effectiveness of these values is bounded by the constraints that are inherent in a liberal world dominated by nation-states. ^

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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

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This paper offers a causal analysis of the conflict between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and Turkey that has been ongoing since 1984. The history of Kurdish politics in Turkey is investigated in order to uncover the conflict’s causes. The conflict’s origins in the Turkish state’s refusal to recognize Kurdish identity and its forced attempts to assimilate Kurds into Turkish society are examined. Other causal factors such as the political turmoil of the decades prior to the conflict’s initiation, the involvement of the student youth in politics, the rise of the PKK, and the interrelationships between the causal factors are also analyzed. Further discussion on the conflict’s influence on sociopolitical and interstate motivations and how the causes of this conflict compare with other conflicts is provided.

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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

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The central issue of this dissertation is to investigate the labor activity of beach hawker, in order to identify the main professional competencies mobilized in this activity, traversed by both the precariousness of the means of labor exercise, as for complex and structured routines. In the town of Natal (RN) the beaches serve as workplace for thousands of informal workers, who use various professional skills, translated into the ability to mobilize and articulate knowledge, skills and behaviors to solve problems in concrete work situations. This research therefore had as main objective to investigate the work of beach hawkers, trying to identify the core competencies mobilized for facing demands and obstacles in such a context. The beach of Ponta Negra (Natal-RN) was chosen as field of observation, in which a group of hawkers took part as voluntary subjects. Methodologically, quantitative and qualitative methods of production and analysis of data were combined in three stages. In the quantitative phase an occupational questionnaire was applied to a sample of 60 subjects, generating a set of data analyzed with quantitative univariate and multidimensional descriptive statistical tools, complemented by inferential statistical analysis. The results of this phase indicate a predominance of men sellers with salary varying in a range from one to two minimum wage Brazilian salary, age and education quite heterogeneous, extended working hours and the choice of only this activity and this beach throughout the year. Concurrently with this step of analysis, unsystematic observations of the activity of vendors were held and then driven to the technique of Instruction Impersonator with four chosen subjects. This phase had a clinicalinterpretive analysis, rooted in historical-cultural Vygotskian psychological perspective and in the french approach of skills and abilities. The main results point to several strategies for overcoming obstacles, use of technics anchored in everyday work experience and practical knowledge, building rules of conduct and collective mobilization of diverse professional skills similar to those found in formal work, such as business and time management, use of communicative tools, flexibility in problem solving, creativity and teamwork competence. We conclude that informality investigated in context can not be seen exclusively as a synonym of precariousness. It also covers skills and knowledge in a complex culture that situates informal labor in a complementary way with respect to formal work. This conclusion, therefore, contributes to overcome the notion of antinomy between formal and informal labor activity, since they both can be considered as a way to achieve job satisfaction, and even a personal representation of well done job, which is an important psychological generator of identity and social place.

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The Evangelical Church is an institution that presents itself as a group that aims to be a mediator between society, the state and the country itself. However political practice within the churches have been somewhat taken authoritarian, manipulative, intolerant and realize this reality in the analysis of this work. While understanding that the Church as an institution has formed an opinion about what is right and wrong in their communities as a social institution can be seen in contemporary society growing religious occupation of the public sphere and in all segments of Brazilian society the presence of evangelicals. One of the challenges is the discussion of the practices of Christ when the ownership of the mandate legitimized by the vote happens, what real action is the "Christ policy"? What social contributions to retrieve people, places and cities? What is the competence to work towards promoting the other gains in health, employment, security, education? The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to the questioning of the current logic and prevailing construction of Christian ideals in politics. Develop an investigation by reference to the absence of a study on the activity of the evangelical councilors Christmas during the period 2004 -2008, order to be able assign a value judgment based on information of projects that every evangelical councilor exercised during the 15th Legislature, occasion that the City Council received the highest representation of evangelical councilors in its history.

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Even after its abolition, the slave labor still exists in the world. In a new socio-historic context, the shackles and slave quarters have been left behind, nowadays the workers are tempted, subjected to degrading conditions and have their rights retrenched. The contemporary slave labor has been emerging as subject of research in the Organizational Studies since the early 2000s, calling attention to many gaps to be filled about the way organizations all around the world use this practice. Contemporary slave labor is found in many and various economic activities, since coal to textile industries or even stores. In this dissertation, we have incorporated the consumption dimension to the field of Organizational Studies, discussing the modern slavery, aiming to understand the consumers’ point of view about this topic, that is, we have researched the consumers’ interpretations concerning the slave labor in the fashion industry. Our objective is to analyze consumer’s argumentative construction in the decision of buying or not products made by industries from the fashion field that were denounced because of slave labor usage. We have adopted fashion industry as research focus because it obscures the reflection of the consumers that feel like in a new world while shopping, a world of beauty and fantasy, seeking their own satisfaction. Furthermore, the Brazilian fashion industry is one of the biggest of the world (ABIT, 2015), with a huge symbolic strength in the country. We have realized a qualitative research using semi-structured interviews with 35 consumers to identify their arguments according to the criteria defined by Liakopoulos (2002): data, propositions, guarantees, supports and refutations. The data are the statements used by the interviewees categorically, that is, those which are clear in the interviews. The propositions are what qualifies and justifies the used data. The guarantees are related to the nature of the data, they are what gives the sense to the data and are introduced implicitly in the interviewee speech. The supports are universal premises introduced in order to legitimate the arguments. The refutations, when present, counter the used arguments. As results, we’ve found consumers who developed arguments pro-consumption and anti-consumption and who have defended ideas about the responsibility of different actors for the existence of this practice and for the fight against it. From these two categories: (1) pro-consumption – consume despite the complaints and (2) anti-consumption – don’t consume, because of the accusations; we have identified the following argumentative lines: skepticism, faultfinding and moral engagement. By the end, we have presented the interviewees’ argumentative construction and the obtained results.