¡…Prescindible Organizado!: Agenda Docente para una formulación afectiva y disidente del Proyecto Arquitectónico

El texto que a continuación se presenta se corresponde de manera bastante fidedigna con el texto que el autor leyó en el acto de defensa de su tesis doctoral, realizada en la Universidad de Alicante el 14 de junio de 2012. El tribunal estuvo compuesto por Remedios Zafra, Federico Soriano, Jessica Jaques, Miguel Angel Hernández y Juan Freire. Los directores del trabajo fueron José María Torres Nadal y Pedro Alberto Cruz. Después de lo vivido, lo pensado, y lo contado, descubro perplejo al final de esta investigación que la relevancia de lo que hemos realizado junto con otrxs muchxs en la Universidad de Alicante, radica precisamente en una obsesión infantil por organizar lo prescindible, todo aquello que no nos es requerido para el cumplimiento de nuestras estrictas funciones académicas. O por utilizar otros términos, descubro con un cierto horror que casi nada de lo que en algún momento nos ha llegado a excitar parece atravesado por los dispositivos maquínicos institucionales.

Letters from Daniel White to Andrew Hall, March 23, 1799

These two letters, both written on the same document, appear to be White's response to accusations from the father of one of his students at the Medford grammar school. Andrew Hall appears to have accused White of punishing his son too severely. In the letters, White denies Hall's accusations while defending his apparently strict approach to discipline. It is not certain whether both these letters were intended for Hall, or if one was written to another (unnamed) upset parent.

Estética natural e ética ambiental, que relação?

This paper defends that environmental aesthetics provides a consistent basis for environmental philosophy, whereas aesthetic value plays an important role in the defense and preservation of natural areas. For several environmental philosophers the natural beauty is an inherent part of the ethical concern. Leopold states that “a thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, the balance and the beauty of the biotic community”. Notwithstanding, aesthetic value is still not a central issue in the environmental debate. On the other hand, the “positive aesthetics” (Allen Carlson), which is a recent approach that reevaluates “positively” natural beauty in the ethical context, obtains a core of objections. This paper sketches a few arguments defending the contiguity between environmental aesthetics and environmental ethics: (i) the emotional perception of inclusiveness and engagement on the aesthetics appreciation of nature; (ii) the feelings of grace and love toward nature inherent to the nature’s aesthetic appreciation which according Kant announces the moral feeling; (iii) the ecological knowledge of natural beauty in order to understand the full meaning of it, and that includes some natural entities seen as not beautiful.

A relação inconsciente-consciente na produção do pensamento consciente

Tese de mestrado, Psicologia (Ciência Cognitiva), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Psicologia, Faculdade de Letras, Faculdade de Ciências, Faculdade de Medicina, 2016

Strategic planning tools for European negotiators to defend their national interests in the Council of the European Union. EIPA Working Paper 2013/W/02

Summary. Negotiating in the Council of the European Union poses some challenges that are common to most international negotiations but there are other dimensions that are a lot more specific. In order to understand better the specific nature of negotiations on a European level and to develop some practical guidelines for European negotiators, it is important to situate European negotiations in the more general context of the theory on international relations and to remember that European negotiations are governed by the general principles which characterise the negotiation theory. This working document has three objectives; after having reminded ourselves of the fundamental principles that govern European negotiations, it aims to provide a general foundation, which in turn will be useful for preparing most negotiations within the Council. A series of practical recommendations will then be made in order to contribute to the strategic thinking of the negotiator responsible for defending the interests of his or her Member State within the Council.

The Europeanisation of Criminal Law and the Criminal Law Dimension of European Integration. Research Papers in Law, 3/2005

From the Introduction. In the academic year 1991-1992, Utrecht University, on my initiative, started to offer courses in European criminal law. This initiative came at a symbolic moment, just prior to the entry into force of the EU Treaty of Maastricht1 and the outlining of European policy in the areas of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). The Director of the Legal Department, Paul DEMARET, was aware of the significance of this development and I have been given the opportunity to teach this subject at the College of Europe since 1995. Since then, JHA has evolved into one of the main areas of EU legislation. Now we are again on the threshold of an important historical feat. In June 2003, the European Convention reached agreement concerning a draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe.2 The use of the term “Constitution” for the future EU Treaty is not simply cosmetic. The realisation has dawned that EU integration must be embedded in a treaty document which also regulates the rights and duties of citizens, not just with respect to European citizenship, but also with respect to, for example, Justice. Where JHA is concerned, this result acknowledges that the harmonisation of criminal law and criminal procedure and transnational cooperation cannot preclude the harmonisation of principles of due law and fair trial. Despite the substantial Europeanisation of criminal law, many criminal lawyers are defending the achievements and typicalities of their national criminal law like never before. EU initiatives are assessed from the perspective of the national agenda and national achievements. We are still too far removed from a European criminal law policy that is both European and enjoys national support. The core issue is therefore not how to keep our criminal (procedural) law national and free from European influences, but rather how to ensure democratic decision making, the quality of the constitutional state and the guarantees of criminal law in a national administrative model which has to operate increasingly interactively within a European and international context. In this contribution, the contours of the Europeanisation of criminal law are outlined and analysed. First, attention will be paid to the EC and, second, to the JHA. Following this, an evaluation and a look ahead at the current IGC are indicated.

La solidarité du politique et du poétique chez H. Arendt

Hannah Arendt est surtout connue pour avoir écrit une magistrale enquête historique sur le totalitarisme (Les origines du totalitarisme) et pour avoir défendu une conception exigeante de la politique développée dans un langage réputé pour être très hellénisant. Cette façon de concevoir la politique repose principalement sur le concept d’action qu’Arendt travaille à redéfinir au sein d’un contexte historique et d’une tradition qui témoignent, selon elle, d’un « oubli de l’action ». Ce qu’Arendt reproche au premier chef à la tradition de la philosophie politique est d’avoir confondu, dès ses premiers balbutiements, le faire et l’agir, interprétant ce dernier à l’aune de la fabrication (poiesis) et recouvrant du même souffle la spécificité de l’action (praxis). Sa propre théorie politique travaille ainsi à repenser l’action pour elle-même et à en faire de nouveau le centre de la vie politique. C’est donc notamment en se référant aux expériences politiques pré-philosophiques athéniennes qu’Arendt parvient à illustrer les potentialités que recèle l’action comprise comme spontanéité dévoilante. Or, il nous apparaît que ses efforts achoppent finalement sur le contexte moderne et que ce fait n’échappe probablement pas à Arendt elle-même. L’impasse suscitée par la modernité est ainsi à nos yeux l’occasion de mettre au jour un versant plus proprement poétique de l’œuvre d’Arendt, se dessinant en filigrane de sa théorie politique et qui n’est que très peu abordé au sein de la littérature secondaire francophone. Pour ce faire, nous proposons dans un premier temps d’interroger les efforts d’Arendt pour valoriser l’action politique afin de faire ressortir les ressources de ce concept. Dans un second temps, nous confrontons le concept d’action au contexte moderne tel que le conçoit Arendt pour montrer qu’il existe dans ses écrits un modèle alternatif de rapport au monde et à autrui que celui mis en avant par l’action et que cet autre modèle doit énormément au poétique.

Pour le maintien de la mémoire sociétale : la pertinence de l’évaluation à l’ère du numérique

Travail réalisé à l’EBSI, Université de Montréal, sous la direction de M. Yvon Lemay dans le cadre du cours SCI6112 – Évaluation des archives, à l'hiver 2016

Helpless and lonely: Turkey's attitude towards the war in Syria. OSW Commentary No. 136, 09.05.2014

The conflict in Syria, which has lasted since 2011, has become the most significant test of the efficiency of Turkey’s foreign policy and the biggest challenge to Turkey’s security in recent decades. The lack of a clear prospect of an end to the war does not allow us to come to a final conclusion regarding the Syrian civil war’s importance for Turkey. However, it can be said today that with the exception of the initial phase of the conflict, Ankara’s influence over the course of events in Syria has been limited, and the war itself is evolving in a direction that is unfavourable for Turkey: the hostile regime of Bashar al-Assad is still in power, the opposition has proved to be an unreliable or even a dangerous ally, and in northern Syria militant jihadist groups and Kurds are gaining importance. It is also quite unlikely that the West will take any greater responsibility for stabilising the situation in the region. In response to such an unfortunate situation, and out of fear of risking deeper involvement in the conflict, during the past year Turkey’s policy towards Syria has been restrained, reactive and focused mainly on defending Turkey’s territory. However, this policy offers no security guarantees and does not prevent the country’s regional position from weakening, especially in the context of the reinforcement of the jihadist militants and the Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. The arguments for Turkey continuing its defensive policy are strong: the country fears the possible results of an open confrontation with Assad’s forces; most probably it could not count on support for such actions from within its own society or its Western allies. It also does not have enough acceptance within the anti-Assad opposition circles. On the other hand, though, the risk of uncontrolled development of events is still present; the risk of confrontations with armed jihadist militants is growing; and the potential operation of Turkish forces, either against the jihadists or against Assad’s army, could be considered as a method of diverting attention from the political problems with which the AKP government has been struggling at home.

Russian nationalists on the Kremlin’s policy in Ukraine. OSW Commentary No. 156|24.12.2014

On the Day of National Unity, celebrated in Russia every 4 November, members of nationalist movements organise a so-called Russian March in Moscow. In 2014 the nationalists took part in three competing marches, which illustrated the divisions present in these circles. The reason for these divisions is a difference of opinions on the policy pursued by Russia towards Ukraine. The pro-Russian, Russia-inspired protests in south-eastern Ukraine organised under the slogan of ‘defending’ the Russians living there (the ‘Russian Spring’) and the annexation of Crimea were received enthusiastically by the nationalists and contributed to a consolidation of these circles around the Kremlin which lasted for several months. In spite of this, opinions on the Russian government’s current policy towards the so-called Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics have been varied. The most radical groups have demanded that military support be offered, and that the ‘confederation’ of these republics, the so-called ‘Novorossiya’, should be officially recognised. They consider the Kremlin’s policy to have been too soft, and see the signing of the peace agreements in Minsk as a betrayal of the interests of the Russians. For the remaining representatives of nationalist circles, who are not so numerous and are less visible in the public sphere, finding a solution for Russia’s domestic problems remains a priority. Some of them oppose the very notion of Russia’s involvement in the conflict. Since the beginning of the ‘Russian Spring’, the Kremlin has fostered active attitudes among the nationalists and solicited their support, hoping to win a valuable ally. This has boosted hopes in these circles that their political position may be strengthened. The involvement in the fighting in Ukraine has led to a radicalisation of attitudes among the nationalists, and demonstrated that this group is ideologically motivated and has considerable potential for mobilisation. Moreover, the ‘Great Russian’ and anti-Western slogans some of them have propagated are reflected in views displayed by average Russians, who have been influenced by the patriotic enthusiasm which followed the annexation of Crimea. Due to all this, from among all the actors active on the opposition side, it is the nationalists – and not the representatives of the liberal and pro-Western opposition – that have the best prospects for access to the political stage in Russia. It cannot be ruled out that a further strengthening of the radical groups might also be boosted by the possible growing social frustration caused by the economic crisis, which additionally increases the risk of political destabilisation.

Baixa visual em crianças do ensino fundamental do município do Recife

Enquadramento: O acesso à saúde ocular em escolares dirige primariamente a prevenção de problemas visuais que dificultem o aprendizado, impossibilitando o desenvolvimento das atividades intelectuais e sociais. Os projetos de promoção da saúde oftalmológica são, para a grande maioria dos alunos, a primeira e rara oportunidade de avaliar a visão. Objetivos: Identificar os tipos de déficit visuais mais comuns nas crianças da região metropolitana do Recife; Identificar as queixas mais frequentes relacionadas a baixa de visão; Realizar campanha preventiva para identificação dos déficits, tendo como referência a Guarnição de Aeronáutica de Recife (GAR). Métodos: Estudo descritivo, transversal, intervencionista e quantitativo. A pesquisa ocorreu nos anos de 2013 e 2014, em uma população de 1500 crianças residentes na cidade de Recife, estado de Pernambuco, Brasil, com idades variando entre 7 e 9 anos, onde obtivemos uma amostra de 490 inscrições para participação no programa. Resultados: No primeiro período, atingimos 98,5% de objetividade, aumentando para 99,3% no segundo período. Os estudantes realizaram as consultas maioritariamente pela manhã (58,7%), em escola particular (81,6%) e na sua maioria (57,1%), eram do sexo feminino. A presença de queixas atingiu 78,6% e os sinais e sintomas mais referidos foram: cefaleia (20,8%), prurido ocular (17,6%) e dificuldade de enxergar o quadro (16,8%). Foram identificados e corrigidos 53 casos de erros de refração sendo o astigmatismo (4,74%), o mais diagnosticado, 7 casos de estrabismo e tratados 12 de conjuntivite. Conclusões: Em 2013, 15,1% e em 2014, 14,2% das crianças apresentaram baixa acuidade visual. Astigmatismo e miopia representam 10% dos problemas mais comuns seguidos de hipermetropia e conjuntivite. 84% do total de nossa amostra refere dificuldade de visualização no quadro negro, 68% manifestam cefaleias, 85% dor ocular, 75,5% vermelhidão ocular e 80,3% prurido ocular. Resumindo, os distúrbios visuais são comuns nas crianças, justificando programas de saúde preventiva nas unidades de saúde da FAB. Palavras-chave: Acuidade visual; Criança; Preventiva.

Breves reflexões sobre Poder e Ciberespaço

Num Estado de Direito, a luta política entre os vários grupos, que defendem ou atacam interesses de classe, económicos, profissionais, geracionais, de género, ou outros, embora regulada, é uma constante. Governos, empresas e cidadãos, individulamente ou em grupo, lutam pelos seus objectivos estabelecendo relações de poder. Os media sempre tiveram um papel instrumental neste contexto e o novo media do séc. XXI – o ciberespaço – não é excepção. As características estruturais e funcionais deste instrumento criaram novas condições para a mobilização e participação políticas, reavivando a crença na acção libertadora da técnica. Por outro lado, nenhuma outra tecnologia promoveu tanta concentração de poder nas grandes empresas da indústria digital, ou criou semelhantes condições para a vigilância activa dos cidadãos por parte dos Estados. Este artigo reune algumas reflexões sobre a importância do ciberespaço como dimensão de poder.

The Principle of Common Concern and Climate Change

Effective policies combating global warming and incentivising reduction of greenhouse gases face fundamental collective action problems. States defending short term interests avoid international commitments and seek to benefit from measures combating global warming taken elsewhere. The paper explores the potential of Common Concern as an emerging principle of international law, in particular international environmental law, in addressing collective action problems and the global commons. It expounds the contours of the principle, its relationship to common heritage of mankind, to shared and differentiated responsibility and to public goods. It explores its potential to provide the foundations not only for international cooperation, but also to justify, and delimitate at the same time, unilateral action at home and deploying extraterritorial effects in addressing the challenges of global warming and climate change mitigation. As unilateral measures mainly translate into measures of trade policy, the principle of Common Concern is inherently linked and limited by existing legal disciplines in particular of the law of the World Trade Organization.

La solidarité du politique et du poétique chez H. Arendt

Hannah Arendt est surtout connue pour avoir écrit une magistrale enquête historique sur le totalitarisme (Les origines du totalitarisme) et pour avoir défendu une conception exigeante de la politique développée dans un langage réputé pour être très hellénisant. Cette façon de concevoir la politique repose principalement sur le concept d’action qu’Arendt travaille à redéfinir au sein d’un contexte historique et d’une tradition qui témoignent, selon elle, d’un « oubli de l’action ». Ce qu’Arendt reproche au premier chef à la tradition de la philosophie politique est d’avoir confondu, dès ses premiers balbutiements, le faire et l’agir, interprétant ce dernier à l’aune de la fabrication (poiesis) et recouvrant du même souffle la spécificité de l’action (praxis). Sa propre théorie politique travaille ainsi à repenser l’action pour elle-même et à en faire de nouveau le centre de la vie politique. C’est donc notamment en se référant aux expériences politiques pré-philosophiques athéniennes qu’Arendt parvient à illustrer les potentialités que recèle l’action comprise comme spontanéité dévoilante. Or, il nous apparaît que ses efforts achoppent finalement sur le contexte moderne et que ce fait n’échappe probablement pas à Arendt elle-même. L’impasse suscitée par la modernité est ainsi à nos yeux l’occasion de mettre au jour un versant plus proprement poétique de l’œuvre d’Arendt, se dessinant en filigrane de sa théorie politique et qui n’est que très peu abordé au sein de la littérature secondaire francophone. Pour ce faire, nous proposons dans un premier temps d’interroger les efforts d’Arendt pour valoriser l’action politique afin de faire ressortir les ressources de ce concept. Dans un second temps, nous confrontons le concept d’action au contexte moderne tel que le conçoit Arendt pour montrer qu’il existe dans ses écrits un modèle alternatif de rapport au monde et à autrui que celui mis en avant par l’action et que cet autre modèle doit énormément au poétique.

Pour le maintien de la mémoire sociétale : la pertinence de l’évaluation à l’ère du numérique

Travail réalisé à l’EBSI, Université de Montréal, sous la direction de M. Yvon Lemay dans le cadre du cours SCI6112 – Évaluation des archives, à l'hiver 2016