Contributions of labile and resistant organic materials to the immobilization of inorganic soil N when used in the restoration of abandoned agricultural fields

We have examined the contributions sucrose and sawdust make to the net immobilization of inorganic soil N and assimilation of both C and N into microbial biomass when they are used as part of a restoration plan to promote the establishment of indigenous vegetation on abandoned agricultural fields on the Central Hungarian Plain. Both amendments led to net N immobilization. Sucrose addition also led to mobilization of N from the soil organic N pool and its immobilization into microbial biomass, whereas sawdust addition apparently immobilized soil N into a non-biomass compartment or a biomass component that was not detected by the conventional biomass N assay (CHCl3 fumigation and extraction). This suggests that the N was either cycled through the biomass, but not immobilized within it, or that it was immobilized in a protected biomass fraction different to the fraction into which N was immobilized in response to sucrose addition.

Contributions of labile and resistant organic materials to the immobilization of inorganic soil N when used in the restoration of abandoned agricultural fields

We have examined the contributions sucrose and sawdust make to the net immobilization of inorganic soil N and assimilation of both C and N into microbial biomass when they are used as part of a restoration plan to promote the establishment of indigenous vegetation on abandoned agricultural fields on the Central Hungarian Plain. Both amendments led to net N immobilization. Sucrose addition also led to mobilization of N from the soil organic N pool and its immobilization into microbial biomass, whereas sawdust addition apparently immobilized soil N into a non-biomass compartment or a biomass component that was not detected by the conventional biomass N assay (CHCl3 fumigation and extraction). This suggests that the N was either cycled through the biomass, but not immobilized within it, or that it was immobilized in a protected biomass fraction different to the fraction into which N was immobilized in response to sucrose addition.

Energy substitutability in transition agriculture: estimates and implications for Hungary

Subsidised energy prices in pre-transition Hungary had led to excessive energy intensity in the agricultural sector. Transition has resulted in steep input price increases. In this study, Allen and Morishima elasticities of substitution are estimated to study the effects of these price changes on energy use, chemical input use, capital formation and employment. Panel data methods, Generalised Method of Moments (GMM) and instrument exogeneity tests are used to specify and estimate technology and substitution elasticities. Results indicate that indirect price policy may be effective in controlling energy consumption. The sustained increases in energy and chemical input prices have worked together to restrict energy and chemical input use, and the substitutability between energy, capital and labour has prevented the capital shrinkage and agricultural unemployment situations from being worse. The Hungarian push towards lower energy intensity may be best pursued through sustained energy price increases rather than capital subsidies. (C) 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Comprendre l'opposition parlementaire: le Parlement de Paris face aux réformes de Silhouette (1759)

The aim of this article is to reconsider the fiscal interpretation of opposition parlementaire to government policy. First, it suggests that the meaning of the remonstrances is blurred by specific constraints which make it very difficult to interpret these texts. Second, it analyses a variety of documents relating to Silhouette’s fiscal projects (1759) and shows that the real objective of the Parlement of Paris, which was never mentioned in its remonstrances, was to finance the Seven Years’ War by issuing paper-money. This reading reveals the influence of the British model of State finance, especially on the critical issue of credit, on both ministers and magistrates. In spite of this common reference, the government and the Parlement of Paris diverged in their reading of the fiscal crisis, and the political culture of the monarchy prevented the formation of a workable consensus.

Entre moralité et politique: l’éducation de Louis XV et la question de l’instruction financière du prince sous l’Ancien Régime

Studies on princely education rarely focus on the training received by future kings to perform one of their key functions – supervising the finances of the monarchy. Failure to address this issue is all the more surprising than one of the major consequences of Louis XIV’s coronation was to grant the king the direction of finances until the French Revolution, thus raising the issue of the financial education of the prince. Based on a largely unpublished body of primary sources, especially several manuscripts specifically written for the financial education of Louis XV and princes in the XVIIIth century, this article explores the teaching approaches and programme of a highly technical nature that the king’s tutors considered essential to the monarch’s duties.

Il culto dell’Uno dal Risorgimento al fascismo

This article (here in English; the published version is in Italian) explores the political parameters surrounding the development of personality cults of leading figures in Italian history from the time of unification to the present. It focuses on the problems of linking the masses to the state, with particular reference to the weakness of the monarchy and the challenge of rival forces, such as those of the Church. It looks at how attempts were made to 'nationalise' the monarchy and create a cult of Victor Emmanuel II. It examines the construction of the cult of Garibaldi, and its relationship to the state. The article suggests that personality cults, while far from being unique to Italy, were seen as having special relevance in Italy given the weakness of the representative institutions and the sensed fragmentation of political life. The article concludes with an examination of the cult of Mussolini and some reflections on the situation since 1945.

Engaging in European spatial planning: a central and Eastern European perspective on the territorial cohesion debate

The following paper sets out to determine the differential extent of the engagement of Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states with the European spatial planning (ESP) debate over territorial cohesion. It focuses on the written statements submitted in response to the European Commission “Green Paper on Territorial Cohesion” consultation in 2009. The geographical distribution of the respondents is analysed, before CEE member states’ responses are examined in detail, to explore the diverse interpretations of the concept of “territorial cohesion” among CEE actors. While the data collection for this paper has been restricted empirically to the consultation process, it reflects its findings in consideration of member states’ engagement with the debate as it manifested before and after the Green Paper. The debate over the exact conceptual and operational “framing” of territorial cohesion, launched by the European Commission's Green Paper, constitutes one of the many arenas through which ESP currently evolves, together with the transnational initiatives developed in the framework of the European Territorial Cooperation objective, the European Observation Network for Territorial Development and Cohesion (ESPON) and the process that recently led to the publication of the Territorial Agenda of the European Union 2020. The paper concludes that the overall level of engagement of CEE actors in ESP is proportionally lower in comparison with that of their northwestern European counterparts. The increasing involvement of some CEE member states within the ESPON 2013 Programme, as well as the activities undertaken by the Hungarian and Polish EU Presidencies in 2011, suggests that this level of CEE engagement is growing albeit differentially.

Im Interesse der Macht: Ungarns neues Wahlsystem

Until December 2011, Hungary had the most stable electoral system in Eastern Europe: except for an increase in the electoral threshold in 1994, no significant change had taken place since the transition from communism in 1989. On 23rd December 2011, however, Parliament passed a wholly new electoral law, which will first be used in the elections due in 2014. The purposes of this article are twofold. The first is to outline the change of electoral system that took place. The previous electoral law was, famously, one of the most complex in the world. The new law is somewhat simpler, but nevertheless retains many of the old law’s features. The second purpose is to analyse the origins and implications of the new law. Did it simply reflect the interests of those in power or did it also respond to public concerns? Can it be expected to enhance or detract from the quality of Hungarian democracy?

Theology and politics in Richard Hooker's thought

Although Richard Hooker’s private attitudes were clericalist and authoritarian, his constitutional theory subordinated clergymen to laymen and monarchy to parliamentary statute. This article explains why his political ideas were nonetheless appropriate to his presumed religious purposes. It notes a very intimate connection between his teleological conception of a law and his hostility towards conventional high Calvinist ideas about predestination. The most significant anomaly within his broadly Aristotelian world-view was his belief that politics is nothing but a means to cope with sin. This too can be linked to his religious ends, but it creates an ambiguity that made his doctrines usable by Locke.

Support for the far right in the 2014 European Parliament Elections: a comparative perspective

The May 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections were characterised by the success of far-right Eurosceptic parties, including the French Front National, UKIP, the Danish People’s Party, the Hungarian Jobbik, the Austrian FPÖ, the True Finns and the Greek Golden Dawn. However, a closer look at the results across Europe indicates that the success of far-right parties in the EP elections is neither a linear nor a clear-cut phenomenon: (1) the far right actually declined in many European countries compared to the 2009 results; (2) some of the countries that have experienced the worst of the economic crisis, including Spain, Portugal and Ireland, did not experience a significant rise in far-right party support; and (3) ‘far right’ is too broad an umbrella term, covering parties that are too different from each other to be grouped in one single party family.