932 resultados para A priori


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Contient : 1 Lettre de « RENEE DE FRANCE [duchesse de Ferrare]... à monseigneur Fumée, conseillier et maistre des requestes du roy... De Ferrare, le VIIe de may 1540 » ; 2 Lettre de GEORGES « DE SELVE, evesque de Lavaur... à madame... la duchesse de Chartres... De Venise, ce XVIIme de febvrier 1533 » ; 3 Lettre de « MARGUERITE [DE VALOIS]... royne de Navarre... à... monseigneur le comte de Vilars » ; 4 Ordonnance d'«HONORAT DE SAVOYE,... pour pourveoir aux abuz qui se commettent journellement sur le port des pacquestz et lettres de particuliers que aulcuns des chevaulcheurs et ceulx qui tiennent postes... reçoipvent et font courir en grand nombre pour leur plaisir... ne concernans aulcunement les affaires et service du roy... Donné à Montpellier, le troysme jour de novembre l'an mil V.C. cinquante » ; 5 Lettre de GEORGES « DE SELVE, evesque de Lavaur... à madame... la duchesse de Ferrare,... De Venise, ce IXme de septembre 1534 » ; 6 Lettre d'« ADRIANE D'ETOUTEVILLE,... à madame... la duchesse de Guise,... De Try, ce VIIe juing 1553 » ; 7 Lettre de « JAQUES [DE SAVOIE]..... à monseigneur Dugué,... Au camp devant Vulpian, ce XVIIIe septembre 1555 » ; 8 Lettre de GEORGES « DE SELVE, evesque de Lavaur... à madame... la duchesse de Ferrare,... De Venise, ce XXVIIme de septembre 1534 » ; 9 Lettre, en italien, d'«OCTAVIANUS DE CAMPOFRANCO » et du Conseil des Anciens de Gênes, en faveur des marchands génois. « Data Janue, die XXVIa maii M.D.XVI » ; 10 Lettre, en italien, de « GALEATIO VESCONTE,... al signore... Robertet,... In Luciera, a XXVIIII novembre 1521 » ; 11 Lettre, en italien, d'« ANTONIUS DE JOFFIS,... ad monsignore il thesorier Robertet,... Rome, die X decembris 1521 » ; 12 Lettres closes « de par le roy... [FRANÇOIS Ier]... à... Pierre Chaboulle, marchant demourant à Meaulx... Fevrier mil V.C. vingt sept ». Copie ; 13 « Lettre du duc de Brunsvich » [HENRI IV, dit le Jeune], signée : « Raince,... al' ill. Sor Filiberto, principe d'Orange,... Presso de Castellione di Cremonese, alli 16 de junio 1528 ». En italien ; 14 Lettre, en italien, de « ALFONSO DE ESTE » au roi François Ier. « Ferrariae, XX maii 1530 » ; 15 Lettre, en italien, de « RANCO » au roi François Ier. « Da Cremona, a li XIX di VIIbre nel M.D.XXX » ; 16 Lettre de « BENEDICTO DE NOBILI,... à madame... de Ferrare,... De Paris, ce dernier de novembre 1512 » ; 17 Lettre de « DODIEU [DE VELY]... à madame [Renée de France, duchesse de Ferrare]... Escript à Boullongne, ce XVIIe jour de janv[i]er 1533 » ; 18 Lettre des « consulz de la vile du Puy... à monseigneur le duc de Nemours,... Du Puy, ce XXVIIIe aoust 1545 » ; 19 Lettre de « M. FUMEE, RENE CHARION, GUEFFIER,... à madame [Renée de France, duchesse de Ferrare]... De Paris, le XIIIe jour d'octobre » ; 20 Lettre, en italien, de « HIERONYMO ROVERO,... Da Pral°, alli XXIIII di febraro M.D.LIII » ; 21 Lettre, en italien, de « ALFONSO DA ESTE,... all' illustrissimo... signor duca di Nemourse,... Di Ferrara, il primo di novembre 1554 » ; 22 Lettre de « NICOLAS DE LORRAINE [comte DE VAUDEMONT]... à... monseigneur le duc de Nemours,... De Nancy, ce IIIme may 1555 » ; 23 Lettre de « M. FUMEE, LE CLERC, GUEFFIER,... à madame [Renée de France], à Ferrare... De Paris, ce XXIIIIe jour de may 1555 » ; 24 « Coppie de l'arrest du compte general de Me Claude Haligre, de l'an V.C.LIII, duquel arrest et closture il est appellant... Faict le vingt ungiesme jour de juillet, l'an mil cinq cens cinquante cinq. Ainsi signez : M. Fumée, Le Clerc, Adam de Houdon, Jehan Baptiste Gondy, Gueffier, Debigny » ; 25 « Lettres du conseil », signées : « GUEFFIER,... à monseigneur... de Varennes, bailly et cappitaine de Gisors... De Paris, ce VIme jour d'aoust 1555 » ; 26 Lettre de « M. FUMEE, LE CLERC, JEHAN BATISTE GONDY, GUEFFIER,... à madame [Renée de France], à Ferrare... De Paris, le VIIe jour d'aoust 1555 » ; 27 « Minute de procuration » de « RENEE DE FRANCE ». 1555 ; 28 Lettre de « JAQUES DE SAVOYE,... De Talloueres, ce XVIme de mars 1561 » ; 29 Lettre de « NICOLAS DE LORRAINE,... à... monsieur... le duc de Nemours,... De Nomeny, ce XXIIme d'apvril 1556 » ; 30 « Dupplicata d'une lettre escripte à madame [Renée de France, duchesse de Ferrare]... De Paris, ce Ve may V.C.LVI, ainsy signé : M. FUMEE, A. FUMEE, N. LE CLERC et GUEFFIER » ; 31 Lettre de « JEHANNE DE SAVOYE,... à... monsieur de Nemours,... 1556 » ; 32 Lettre de « LUIGI DA ESTE,... all' ill... duca d'Anemors,... A XIX di ottobre del LVII. Di Ferrara » ; 33 « Lettres du conseil », signées : « M. FUMEE, PH. MARON, PECQUILLAULT,... à madame [Renée de France]... A Paris, ce XIIIIe fevrier, l'an mil cinq cens trente sept » ; 34 Lettre, en italien, de « ALFONSO DE ESTE,... all' ill... duca di Nemours,... Di Ferrara, il XXIIII de febrajo M.D.LVII » ; 35 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTE GONDE,... all' ill... signora duchessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, li XXX di marzo M.D.LVII » ; 36 Lettre de « GIVRY,... à monsigneur... le duc de Nemours,... De Viterbe, ce 18 d'apvril 1557 » ; 37 Lettre du conseil duroi, signée : « M. FUMEE, A. FUMEE, N. LE CLERC, GUEFFIER,... à madame [Renée de France]... De Paris, ce cinqme jour de may V.C.LVI » ; 38 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTE GONDE,... all' ill... signora duchessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, a 5 di maggio M.D.LVII » ; 39 « Lettre du conseil », signée : « M. FUMEE, N. LE CLERC, JEHAN BATISTE GONDE, GUEFFIER,... à madame [Renée de France]... De Paris, le XVme jour de may 1557 » ; 40 Lettre, en italien, d'« ALFONSO DE ESTE,... all' ill... duca de Nemours,... Di Ferrara, il XV di maggio del LVII » ; 41 Lettre, en italien, de « LUIGI DA ESTE,... all' ill...duca di Anemors... A XVI di maggio del LVII, di Ferrara » ; 42 Lettre, en italien, de « ALFONSO DE ESTE,... all' ill... duca di Nemours,... Di Modena, il III di giugno del LVII » ; 43 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTA GONDE,... all' ill... signora duchessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, alli XIIII di giugno M.D.LVII » ; 44 Lettre du conseil du roi, signée : « M. FUMEE, N. LE CLERC, JEHAN BATISTE GONDE, GUEFFIER,... à madame [Renée de France]... De Paris, le XVIIIme jour de juing 1557 » ; 45 Lettre, en italien, de « JEHAN BATISTE GONDE » à Renée de France, duchesse de Ferrare. « Di Parigi, alli XX di giugnio M.D.LVII » ; 46 Lettre de « MARC HAULTREUE,... à madame [Renée de France]... De Lucerre, ce XXIIIIe jour de may 1544 » ; 47 Lettre de « JAQUES DE SAVOYE,... De Talloueres, ce XXVme de juing 1556 » ; 48 Lettre de « ADAM DE HOUDON, C. HALIGRE, BARTHELEMY, PECQUILLAULT », à Renée de France. « A Paris, le vingt sixiesme jour de may, l'an mil cinq cens quarente ung » ; 49 « Récépissé de MARC DE HAULTEREUE, maistre d'hostel de monseigneur le cardinal d'Armaignac,... A Breseil, le XXVIe jour de may, l'an mil V.C. quarente quatre » ; 50 Lettre de « GENLY,... à monseigneur... le duc de Nemors,... D'Ascoly, ce XVIe juillet 1557 » ; 51 Lettre de « JAQUES DE SAVOYE,... De Talloueres, ce XVIIme d'aoust 1556 » ; 52 Lettre, en italien, de « li priori del Monte Cassino... all' ill... duca di Nemors,... Dal Monte Cassino, il di XX di luglio del 57 » ; 53 Lettre de « NICOLAS DE LORRAINE,... [comte] DE VAUDEMONT,... à... monseigneur le duc de Nemours,... De Compiegne, le XXIIIIe jullet 1557 » ; 54 « Lettres du conseil », signées : « M. FUMEE, BARTHELEMY, PECQUILLAULT,... à madame [Renée de France]... A Paris, ce vingtcinqme jour de juillet, l'an mil cinq cens quarante et ung » ; 55 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTE GONDE,... all' ill... duchessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, alli XXVIII d'agosto 1557 » ; 56 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTE GONDE,... all' ill... duchessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, alli XXVIII d'agosto, M.D.LVII » ; 57 Lettre, en italien, du « principe Dyrrachiense, ANDREA ANGELO,... all' ill... duca di Nemur, il Sor Jacobo de Sabaudia,... Da Casa, a gli 3 settembre 1557 » ; 58 Lettre de « JAQUES DE SAVOYE,... De Paris, ce XXIIe septembre 1556 » ; 59 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTE GONDE,... all' ill... duchessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, alli XXIIII d'ottobre M.D.LVII » ; 60 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTE GONDE,... all' ill... duchessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, alli IIII di novembre M.D.LVII » ; 61 Lettre de « N. LE CLERC, ADAM DE HOUDON, JEHAN BATISTE GONDE, GUEFFIER,... à madame [Renée de France]... De Paris, le XXVe jour d'octobre V.C.LVI » ; 62 Lettre de « NICOLAS DE LORRAINE,... à... monsieur le duc de Nemours,... De Nommeni, ce XXVe octobre 1556 » ; 63 Lettre du conseil, signée : « M. FUMEE, JEHAN BATISTE GONDE,... à madame [Renée de France]... De Paris, ce XXIIme jour de decembre 1557 » ; 64 Lettre, en italien, de « GIOVAN BATISTE GONDE,... all' ill...[du] chessa di Ferrara,... Di Parigi, a 10 di dicembre M.D.LVII »

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Contient : 1 « Memoires pour l'histoire du Costentin » ; a Notions générales sur le Cotentin ; b Notice concernant l'histoire de « la ville de Coutance » et des évêques qui ont occupé ce siège épiscopal depuis S. Ereptiol jusqu'à Charles-François de Loménie, ainsi que des églises et autres monuments dignes de remarque de ladite ville ; c Notice historique sur « la ville de Cherbourg » ; d Notice historique sur « Vallongne » ; e Notice historique sur « Carenten » ; f Notice historique sur « S. Sauveur le Vicomte » ; g Notice historique sur « Mortain » ; h Transcription d'un « acte-du milieu du XIIIe siecle, passé entre les agens de Henry III, roy d'Angleterre, et le chapitre de Coutance, touchant l'eclaircissement de leurs droits mutuels et respectifs sur une isle » du « Costentin, nommée Aurigny ». En latin ; i « Genealogie de la maison de Thieuville, seigneur de Bricquebosc » ; j « Genealogie de la famille de Saincte Marie : barons d'Aspres, seigneurs d'Auvers, Esquilly, etc. » ; k « Genealogie des Du Quemin ou Du Chemin » ; 2 « Monuments de l'abbaye de Montebourg et memoires pour l'histoire de cette abbaye, diocese de Coutances » ; a « Sequitur modus fondationis abbatie beate Marie de Montisburgo, ordinis S. Benedicti Constantiensis diocesis, provincie Rothomagensis, quam cognito miraculo stellifero illustrissimus et victoriosissimus princeps Guillelmus, rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum devotissime fundavit... Laudabilem hujus monasterii Montisburgi fondationem miraculosam... ». En latin ; b « Sequitur littera confirmatoria ex pluribus privilegiis et donis abbatiae Beatae Mariae de Montisburgo collatis, facta per rev. in Christo patrem Dominum Dominum Ricardum,... RICARDUS,... Constantiensis episcopus, dilectis... abbati et fratribus monachiis S. Mariae Montisburgi... Rogavit nos fraternitas. vestra... Facta est autem... confirmatio anno ab incarnatione Domini 1157, festo Exaltationis Ste Crucis, apud Constantiam ». En latin ; c « Sequitur littera confirmatoria ex predictis privilegiis et donis... per reverendissimum in Christo patrem Hugonem, Rothomagensem archiepiscopum. HUGO,... Rothomagensis archiepiscopus, dilecto filio Waltero, abbati Beatae Mariae Montisburgi... Pastoralis cura nos admonet... ». En latin ; d « Pro predictis confirmatio facta per... Nicolaum papam quartum, anno Domini 1291. NICOLAUS, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis, abbati monasterii Beatae Mariae Montisburgi... Convenit adesse presidium, ne forte... Datum Romae, apud Sanctam Mariam Majorem, per manum magistri Joannis, decani Bajocensis; sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae vicecancellarii, XV januarii, inditione quarta, incarnationis dominice anno M°CC°LXXXXI° ». En latin ; e « Sequitur sentencia virorum venerabilium magistrorum Rogerii de Inquarvilla, Rodulphi, scolastici, et domini Hervei, c[a]nonici Constantiensis, et sedis apostolicae in hac parte judicum delegatorum super impedimento dato abbati et conventui Beatae Mariae de Montisburgo per Joannem de Essio (sic), archidiacono de Constantino. Universis presentes litteras inspecturis magister ROGERUS DE INQARVILLA et RADULPHUS, scolasticus, et HERVEUS, c[a]nonicus Constancie, salutem in Domino. Cum inter vitam religiosam (sic) et conventum Montisburgum, ex una parte, et magistrum Joannem de Essio (sic), archidiaconum Constancie, ex altera... controversiae super ecclesiis... verterentur... Datum anno Domini 1238, die Mercurii proxima post festum beati Luce evangeliste ». En latin ; f « Confirmatio predictae sententiae, facta per H..., Constanciensem episcopum, et dictum magistrum Joannem de Esseio, archidiaconum de Constantino. Universis presentes litteras inspecturis H..., Constantiensis episcopus, et magister JOANNES DE ESSEIO, archidiaconus Constantiensis, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra... » ; g « Confirmatio pro predictis, facta per honorandos Dominos de capitulo Constanciensis (sic)... Datum anno Domini M°CC°XXXIX°, mense Marcii ». En latin ; h « Confirmatio facta per sanctissimum patrem ALEXANDRUM, papam... Cum a nobis petitur quod justum est... ». En latin ; i « Carta... WILLERMI regis qui Angliam conquisivit, hujus monasterii de Montisburgo fundatoris. Willermus, rex Angliae et dux Normanniae... Sciatis quod ego, hujus mortalis vitae conditionem considerans... ». En latin ; j « Notum sit omnibus... quod ego, RADULPHUS DE HARICURIA, miles... penitus dimitto... abbati et conventui monasterii Beatae Mariae Montisburgi... Actum anno Domini 1268, die dominica in ramis palmarum ». En latin ; k « Coppie d'un extraict des chartriers de l'abbaie de Montebourg etant dans leurs contoir (sic), contenant ce qui ensuit ; 1 « Charta RICHARDI DE BRUIERS, qui instituit canonicos apud Neahou (Néhou ?). Sciant omnes tam futuri quam presentes quod ego, Richardus de Bruiers, impeditus plurimis peccatis, consilio Henrici, regis Anglorum... ». En latin ; 2 « Autre coppie. Chartula GUILLELMI DE VERNONE, pro praebendis. Ego Guillelmus de Vernon, considerans hanc praesentem vitam dolis, miseriis... Et dominus Hugo, Rothomagensis archiepiscopus, praefatam ecclesiam consecravit et dedicavit anno dominicae incarnationis 1152 ». En latin ; 3 « Autre coppie. Extraict du chartrier etant en parchemin, tiré des archives de l'abbaie de Montebourg et representé par Mr Jacques Baille, pretre chanoine et grand vicaire d'icelle, nommement d'une chartre de RICHARD DE HARCOURT, inserée en la page cent neuf et cent dix, intitulée : Confirmatio Richardi de Harcourt. Universis Christi fidelibus praesens scriptum inspecturis Richardus de Harcourt, dominus S. Salvatoris, salutem et dilectionem. Noverit universitas vestra quod ego dedi et concessi, assensu et volontate (sic). Matildis, uxoris meae, abbatiae Sanctae Mariae de Monteburgo... Actum fuit apud Harcourt, anno ab incarnatione Domini 1226, mense maii ». En latin ; 4 « Littera RICHARDI DE HARCOURT,... Henrico,... Constantiensi episcopo ». En latin ; 5 « Sciant praesentes et futuri quod ego MATILDIS, domina DE S. SALVATORE, filia Radulphi Taisson, tempore viduitatis meae, dimisi et quictum clamavi et praesenti confirmavi abbati et monachis Montisburgi omne jus quod habebam in [decimis] omnibus et jure patronatus totalis illius beneficii quod est de feodo meo in parochia S. Laurentii, juxta castrum meum S. Salvatoris... Actum anno Domini 1239 ». En latin ; l « Noverint universi quod ego Radulphus de Gorge, filius et heres Helenae de Gorge, concessi, remisi... de me et heredibus meis... Ricardo, abbati ecclesiae Beate Marie Montisburgi... totum jus et dominium quod habui... in XXXXI acris prati in Bradepole jacentibus inter Londres et Bradepole... ». En latin ; m « Memoire de la fondation et dotation de la chapelle Mr Sainct Sebastien. L'an de grace 1260, Pierres de La Rocque donne 60 bouisseaux de froment en l'abbaye de Montebourg, pour la chapelle S. Sebastien, pour estre inhumé selon sa qualitté de chevalier et avoir part au[x] prieres et omosnes de laditte abbaye... ». Ce mémoire s'arrête à l'année 1647 ; n « Inventaire des pieces qui concernent les privileges accordés à l'abbaye de Montebourg. Premierement une chartre des privileges donnés par Henry, roy d'Angleterre, par laquelle la justice haute, moyenne et basse est accordée à lad. abbaye... ». 1060 à 1426 ; o « Antiquitez de l'abbaye de Montebourg, suivant les figures et epitafes qui sont sur les tombes et contre les murailles de l'eglise » ; 1 Dessin à la plume, représentant neuf tombes. Sur la première on lit : « Rogerius II », au côté droit de l'effigie d'un abbé ; 2 Autre dessin à la plume, représentant les armoiries de « Jean François de Reviers,... inhumé le 3 de septembre 1672 » ; 3 « Ossa Petri », légende écrite sur un carreau du choeur ; 3 Autre dessin à la plume, représentant les armoiries gravées sur une « lame de cuivre... autour de laquelle est écrit : Hic jacet cor... Guidonis de Montmirel, episcopi Megarensis, quondam abbas (sic) hujus loci ac S. Maglorii parisiensis, qui obiit A. D. 1538, die 20 junii » ; 4 Autre dessin d'une « tombe unie, autour de laquelle est écrit : Cy git messire Jean de Brix, natif de Montfarville, chapellain de N. D. de Nehou et de S. Martin de Preaux, qui trepassa le 27e jour d'avril, l'an 1498 » ; 5 Autre dessin à la plume, représentant une tombe « sur laquelle est gravée la figure » de « Jouannes Mahier, presbiter curatus de Treviere, et decanus ecclesiae cathedralis Abrisensis, qui obiit die 12 maii A. D. 1475 » ; 6 Autre dessin à la plume, représentant « deux pierres enchassées dans la muraille » de la chapelle St-Jacques. « Celle de dessus » portait, d'après la notice qui précède le dessin, une épitaphe ainsi conçue : « Cy git dom. Simon Gardin, religieux aumonier de ceans, lequel deceda le 30 aoust 1589 » ; 7 Autre dessin à la plume, représentant une tombe sur laquelle « est gravée la figure d'un abbé », dont l'épitaphe était ainsi conçue, d'après la notice qui précède le dessin : « Cy git l'abbé Bernard, qui trepassa l'an de grace 1383, le 16e jour d'avril » ; 8 Autre dessin à la plume, représentant une tombe sur laquelle est figurée la « personne » de « maistre Marin Le Mierre, pretre, en son vivant natif de S. Jores en Vaudois... lequel deceda le 19 juillet, l'an 1538 » ; 9 Épitaphe de « dom Izaac Le Cappellain, natif de Huberville, en son vivant religieux claustral, prieur de seans... lequel deceda le 15e jour de janvier 1620 » ; 10 Dessin à la plume, représentant la tombe de « Nicolas Frétault, natif de Loches, en Touraine, receveur de seans, lequel deceda le 8e jour de decembre 1518 » ; 11 Autre dessin à la plume de la tombe de « maistre Richard Léon, curé de Baubigny, natif de Besneville et receveur de seans, qui trepassa le 14e jour de juillet, l'an 1468 » ; 12 Épitaphe de « frere Michel Hoyvet, natif de Varville, en son vivant religieux de seans, qui trepassa le 30 may, l'an 1493 » ; 13 Dessin à la plume de la tombe de « frere Nicolas Le Marchand, religieux de seans, natif de Ste Marie du Mont, qui... trepassa le 22 novembre 1473 » ; 14 Dessin à la plume de la tombe de « frere Guillaume de Brix, religieux et receveur de ceans, natif de Freville, qui trepassa le 2e jour d'aoust, l'an 1358 » ; 15 Dessin à la plume de la tombe de « frere Pierre Guerin, natif de Hemévée, en son vivant religieux prieur de l'ordre et chantre de ceans, qui trepassa le 19e jour de juillet 1522 » ; 16 Dessin à la plume de la tombe de « dom Thomas Eslye, religieux et chapellain de S. Nicolas, et par aucun temps passé bailly et chantre de ceans, qui trepassa l'an 1497, le 24e jour de febvrier » ; 17 Épitaphe de « frère Jean Le Grand, natif de Fontenay, en son vivant religieux de ceans, lequel deceda le 23e jour de juillet, l'an 1581 » ; 3 « Haec sunt nomina episcoporum lexoviensium de quibus constat », liste ; 4 « Extraict d'un antien chartier apelé le Livre [Noir] estant dans les archives du chapitre de l'eglise cathedralle de Coutance, qui se commence par ces mots : Ausculta, o Filii Mater ». Transaction : « Compositio inter Romanum episcopum et capitulum Constantiense. In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Cum inter reverendum patrem Joannem, Dei gratia Constantiensem episcopum, ex una parte, et viros venerabiles capitulum Constantiense ex altera, coram R. P. Odone, Dei gratia Tusculano episcopo... contentio verteretur, tandem interveniente R. P. Odone, Dei gratia Rothomagensi archiepiscopo... extitit compromissum... ». En latin ; 5 Dessin à la plume, lavé, représentant d'« après des statues de careau de Caen, lesquelles sont placés (sic) aud'hors de la cathedralle de Coutances », sur le feuillet 140 v°, les figures de « Roger,... Robert,... Herman », et sur le feuillet 141 r°, les figures de « Guilleaume,... Onfroy,... Drogues,... Tancrede,... gentilshomes normands de la paroisse de Hautville La Guichard », qui « se rendirent maistres de la Pouille, Calabre, Sicille et Naples, apres en avoir chassé les Sarazins... subjuguairent la plus part de la Grece et firent sept royaumes, dont chacqun d'eux porta le tiltre et la couronne » et « contribuerent beaucoup à retablir l'eglise cathedralle dudit Coutances » ; 6 Blasons peints sur une feuille de parchemin (fol. 142). Une note en tête de cette feuille porte que « ces armes sont aux vitres de l'eglise cathedrale de Coutances ». Ce sont ; a Les « armes du chapitre » ; b Les armes de Robert de « Harcourt, evêque en l'an » 1291 ; c Les armes de « Geffroy Herbert, évêque en » 1478 ; d Les armes de « Philippe et Artus de Cossé, evêques » en 1530 et en 1561 ; 7 Lettre de G. LAPIERRE « DELACOUR » ; 8 « Antiens mausolées d'Amfreville », mémoire dressé « par G. Lapierre Delacour » en « 1704 » ; 9 « Coppie de chartes de l'abbaye de Notre Dame de Barbery » ; a « Universis Christi fidelibus... ROBERTUS MARMION salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod ego, pro salute animae meae et Philippae, uxoris meae... et pro absolutione itineris mei Jerosolimitani, donavi Deo et Beatae Mariae de Barberio... ». En latin ; b « Charte du roy d'Angleterre », HENRI II PLANTAGENET. « Henricus,... rex Angliae et dux Normanniae et Aquitaniae... Sciatis me concessisse et presenti carta mea confirmasse Deo et abbatiae S. Mariae de Barberio... omnes subscriptas donationes... sibi factas... ». Cette charte donnée « apud Rothomagum », entre 1182-1189, est insérée dans un vidimus de LOUIS IX, roi DE FRANCE, daté « apud abbatiam Regalis Montis, anno Domini 1268, mense januario ». En latin ; c « Universis presentes litteras inspecturis Joannes de Tornebuto, armiger, dominus de Tornebuto, filius domini Guillelmi de Tornebuto, militis defuncti... Actum anno Domini 1272, mense maio ». En latin ; d Autre acte du même, 6 décembre 1306. En latin ; 10 Lettre autographe signée. « A Coutances, ce 20e may 1703. Mr, Je me donne l'honneur de vous envoier cy-joint une ancienne transaction passée entre un evesque de Coutances et son chapitre, en l'année 1263... L'abbé DE LA BROSSE » ; 11 Ordre adressé par « HENRY D'ORLEANS,... duc DE LONGUEVILLE et D'ESTOUTTEVILLE, pair de France, gouverneur pour le roy en Normandie », adressé de « Rouen, le 21 mars 1649... à Mr de Matignon, lieutenant general de S. M. en Basse Normandie et de l'armée... levée pour le service du roy... de faire arrester... l'evesque de Coustances [Claude Auvry] et le mettre en bonne et seure garde ». Original. Cachet de cire rouge aux armes du duc de Longueville ; 12 Acte de la fondation faite le samedi 3 octobre 1500 « pour l'entretenement des petits enfants du coeur » de l'« eglize » de « Coustances » par « R. P. en Dieu... Geffroy [Herbert], evesque de Coustances » ; 13 « Dissertation de maistre PAUL-FRANÇOIS BROHON, Sr DE BOISVAL, lieutenant en la viconté de Grandville, sur le lieu de la battaille de Quintus Titurius Sabinus, lieutenant de Cezar, contre Viridovix, chef des Venelliens, pour prouver que ce fut en la parroisse de Champrepus, à l'extremité du dioceze de Coutances, du costé d'Avranches, et que le mot de Champrepus vient a campo repulsus Viridovix » ; Ce mémoire daté de « Grandville, le 5e jour de l'an 1704 », est précédé d'un « plan de Champrepus » (fol. 174) et d'une lettre autographe de l'auteur dudit plan, datée de « Hudimesnil, ce 11 febvrier 1704 » et signée : « DESTOUCHES ROCHEMONT » ; 14 « Suitte de la dissertation du Sr DE BOISVAL sur le Champrepuls » ; Cette suite se compose de 3 feuillets. Entre le premier et le second est un plan des environs de Champrepus ; 15 Copie de l'aveu et dénombrement, « baillé en la chambre des comptes », par les « relligieux, abbé et convent de S. Nicolas de Blanche Lande » ; 16 État des titres de l'abbaye de Blanche Lande, depuis la fondation de ladite abbaye, en 1154, jusqu'en 1400 ; 17 « Praecipui benefactores conventus de Perina in Normannia, dioecesi Constantiensi, ordinis Sanctissimae Trinitatis pro redemptione captivorum ». En latin ; 18 « Abbaye de La Bloutiere, diocese de Coutances » ; a Lettre. « Ce 25 fevrier 1705. Monseigneur, je vous avoue que j'ay eté surpris d'apprendre... que vous souhaitiez que je vous envoyasse des memoires de la fondation de ce prieuré de La Blouttiere... Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur LE ROY, prieur de La Bl[outtiere] » ; b Lettre. « Monseigneur, aussytot que j'ay pu trouver dans ce pays cy, sterile en peintres, une personne qui sçût lever les armes et le tombeau de notre fondateur, j'y ay fait travailler, et à present je vous les envoye... LE ROY, prieur de La Blouttiere. Ce 27 mars 1705 » ; c Feuillet en parchemin, coté 258, sur lequel sont dessinés à la plume : « le tombeau du fondateur » Richard « de Rollos », qui y est représenté en pied ; les armes dudit fondateur, qui se trouvent également figurées sur le tombeau, à droite et à gauche de la tête; les armes de « Nicollas Geresme, abbé de Lessé et premier abbé commendataire de La Blouttiere »; les armes « de Julien Dorange, aussy abbé commendataire »; enfin les armes du fondateur, « conjointes » sur le même écusson à celles de « Geresme » indiquées plus haut ; d « Fondations de La Blouttiere... Extraits du chartrier en parchemin estant dans les coffres du tresor de l'abbaye de La Blouttiere, icelluy chartrier appellé Grossus, contenant ce qui ensuit... Au nom du Pere, du Fils et du S. Esprit soit tout cest qui est en ce livre escrit, lequel livre au chartrier je, frere GUILLAUME LE GROS, ney de la grande rue d'Avranches, chanoine de Montmorel et puis, de l'authorité du pape, prior douzieme de l'abbaye ou prioré et moustier conventual de La Blouttiere, ay faict et escrit de ma propre main, por garder le honor, proulfit, estat, rentes et signories de Deu et de religion en espiritualité et en temporalité ». Les actes transcrits par frere Guillaume Le Gros sont les suivants ; 1 « Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego RICARDUS DE ROLLOS dedi et concessi Deo et Sancto Thomae in hermitagio de Bloeteria et fratribus ibidem Deo servientibus, assensu Guillelmi, filii mei... ». Fin du XIIe siècle. En latin ; 2 « Omnibus ad quos presens cartha pervenerit RICARDUS DE ROLLOS salutem... Dedi et concessi Deo et Sancto Thomae in hermitagio Bloteriae, assensu Guillelmi, filii mei... ». 1189. En latin ; 3 « Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit GUILLELMUS DE ROLLOS salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod... concessi Deo et Sancto Thomae in hermitagio de Bloeteria, quod hermitagium Ricardus de Rollos, pater meus, fundavit... 1200 ». En latin ; 4 « Reverendo in Christo patri ac domino domino Silvestri, Dei gratia Constantiensi episcopo, viri humiles et subjecti, prior conventualis et conventus de Bloeteria... Ad parrochialem ecclesiam de Briquevilla La Bloette pro minori portione nunc liberam et vaccantem per mortem ultimi rectoris ejusdem, cujus quidem ecclesiae pro dicta portione jus patronatus et praesentandi ad eandem ad nos et monasterium nostrum de Bloteria notorie dignoscitur pertinere consensu unanimi, vestrae reverendae paternitati praesentamus Germanum Glace,... Datum sub sigillis nostris, anno Domini 1382, die 7 mensis januarii ». En latin ; 5 « Notum sit omnibus... quod ego GUILLELMUS DE ROLLOS,... concedo Deo et Sancto Thomae de Bloeteria... quidquid mei juris est in ecclesiis de Flore et de Bloteria... Anno Domini 1200 ». En latin ; 6 « Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit JOANNES DE BRUCORT, miles, salutem... Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse... Deo et Sancto Thomae martiri de Bloteria... jus patronatus ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae de Bloteria... Actum est hoc anno... Domini 1224 ». En latin ; 7 « Universis Christi fidelibus... JOANNES DE BRUCORTH, miles, salutem. Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse... Deo et ecclesiae Sancti Thomae de Bloteria... totum ex integro jus patronatus medietatis ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae de Floreyo... Actum... 1226 ». En latin ; 8 « Omnibus ad quos presens pervenerit scriptum GUILLELMUS, Dei gratia Constantiensis episcopus, salutem in Domino. Notum facimus heroem (sic) dominum Ricardum de Rollos, virum nobilem, dedisse... Deo et Sancto Thomae in heremitagio de Bloeteria... decimam molendini sui de S. Dionisio... Actum ab incarnatione Domini anno 1199, apud Constantias ». En latin ; 9 « Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit VIVIANUS, Dei gratia Constantiensis episcopus, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra nos... confirmasse... eleemosinam ex dono... Guillelmi... de Rollos,... videlicet partem nemoris sui circa heremitagium... Bloeteriae ». En latin ; 10 « Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit VIVIANUS, Dei gratia Constantiensis episcopus, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra nos... concessisse fratribus de Bloetheria... medietates ecclesiarum de Flore et Bloetheria... Anno 1205 ». En latin ; 11 « Venerabili patri in Christo... H[ugoni]... Constantiensi episcopo, JOANNES DE BRUCOURT, miles... Noverit paternitas vestra me dedisse... ecclesiae S. Thomae de Bloteria... totum jus mei patronatus ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae de Flore... Datum anno Domini 1226 ». En latin ; 12 « Universis Christi fidelibus... HUGO, Dei gratia Constantiensis episcopus, salutem... Noverit universitas vestra dominum Joannem de Brucourt, militem, dedisse... Deo et Sancto Thomae... de Bloeteria... quidquid juris habebat... in patronatu ecclesiarum S. Mariae de Bloteria et S. Mariae de Flore... quam donationem... confirmamus. Actum anno Domini 1226 ». En latin ; 13 « Universis Christi fidelibus... VALTERUS,... Rothomagensis archiepiscopus, salutem in Domino. Ad universitatis vestrae notitiam volumus pervenire nos concessisse... confirmasse Deo et beato Thomae de heremitagio de Bloeteria elemosinas quas Ricardus de Rollos eis dedit ». En latin ; 14 « CLEMENS episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis priori et conventui monasterii S. Thomae de Blueteria... Constantiensis diecesis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem... Ex parte vestra fuit propositum coram nobis quod venerabilis frater noster episcopus Constantiensis... medietatem ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae de Floryo... in usus proprios vobis... duxit... concedendum... quod... ratum et firmum habentes. id authoritate apostolica confirmamus... Datum Viterbii, quinto calendas februarii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio ». En latin ; 15 « BONIFACIUS episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis priori et conventui monasterii S. Thomae de Blouteria... Constantiensis dioecesis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem... Confirmamus... Datum Romae, apud S. Petrum, nonis martii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio ». En latin ; 16 « Notum sit universis... quod ego HENRICUS MUDARCQ dedi in puram et perpetuam eleemosinam hospitali S. Jacobi de Reposto et priori heremitagii S. Thomae de Bloeteria... ecclesiam S. Mariae de Foligneyo, consensu Constantiensis episcopi » ; 17 « Universis Christi fidelibus presentes litteras inspecturis HUGO, Dei gratia Constantiensis episcopus... salutem. Noveritis quod cum apud Hayam Paganelli et apud Repostum duae domus hospitales essent constructae... nos dictas domos, ad petitionem viri nobilis Fulconis Paganelli, interveniente assensu Guillelmi Muldarcq, militis, unientes earum regimen, priori et conventui de Bloeteria duximus committendum... Actum anno Domini 1234, mense februario ». En latin ; 18 « LUDOVICUS, Dei gratia Francorum rex. Noveritis universi presentes et futuri quod nos... domui S. Thomae in heremitagio de Bloeteria... terras, domos, prata, nemora et alias quascunque res et possessiones suas ab ipsis rationabiliter acquisitas... concedimus et authoritate regia confirmamus... Actum apud Gaillardum anno incarnationis Dominicae 1259, mense augusto, regni nostri anno XXXIII° ». En latin ; e « Suitte de la tradition des fondations de l'abbaye de La Blouttiere. Peu avant le temps du roy S. Lois, le compte de Sestre, Anglois, qui fonda l'abbaye de S. Sevoir, quand Normandie et Angleterre estoient tout un... par parage sans hommage » ; f « PHILIPPUS, Dei gratia Francorum rex. Notum facimus universis... quod nos tradidimus et concessimus ad firmam et perpetuam (sic) priori et canonicis de Bloeteria quidquid habebamus et tenebamus de escheancia Guillelmi de Roullos, militis defuncti, in parrochiis de Bloeteria et de Floryaco... Actum Parisiis, anno Domini 1275, mense decembri ». En latin

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With the recent growth in cultural complexity, many organizations are faced with increasingly diverse employee pools. Gaining a greater understanding of the values that employees possess is the first step in effectively satisfying their needs and achieving a more productive workforce (lung & Avolio, 2000). Values playa significant role in influencing individual behaviours. It is therefore necessary to assess the qualities of employee value systems and directly link them to the values of the organization. The importance of values and value congruence has been emphasized by many organizational behaviour researchers (cf. Adkins & Caldwell, 2004; Erdogan, Kraimer, & Liden, 2004; Jung & Avolio, 2000; Rokeach, 1973); however the emphasis on value studies remains fairly stagnant within the sport industry (Amis, Slack, & Hinings, 2002). In order to examine the realities that were constructed by the participants in this study a holistic view of the impact of values within a specific sport organization were provided. The purpose of this case study was to examine organizational and employee values to understand the effects of values and value congruence on employee behaviours within the context of a large Canadian sport organization. A mUltiple methods case study approach was adopted in order to fully serve the purpose and provide a comprehensive view of the organization being examined. Document analysis, observations, surveys, as well as semi-structured interviews were conducted. The process allowed for triangulation and confirmability of the findings. Each method functioned to create an overarching understanding of the values and value congruence within this organization. The analysis of the findings was divided into qualitative and quantitative sections. The qualitative documents were analyzed twice, once manually by the researcher and once via AtIas.ti Version 4 (1998). The a priori and emergent coding that took place was based on triangulating the findings and uncovering common themes throughout the data. The Rokeach Value Survey (1973) that was incorporated into the survey design of the study was analyzed using descriptive statistics, as well as Mann-Whitney U, and Kruskal Wallis formulas. These were deemed appropriate for analysis given the non-parametric nature of the survey instrument (Kinnear & Gray, 2004). The quantitative survey served to help define the values and value congruence that was then holistically examined through the qualitative interviews, document analyses, and observations. The results of the study indicated incongruent value levels between employees and those stated or perceived as the organization's values. Each finding demonstrated that varying levels of congruence may have diverse affects on individual behaviours. These behaviours range from production levels to interactions with fellow employees to turnover. In addition to the findings pertaining to the research questions, a number of other key issues were uncovered regarding departmentalization, communication, and board relations. Each has contributed to a greater understanding of the organization and has created direction for further research within this area of study.

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Although local grape growers view bird depredation as a significant economic issue, the most recent research on the problem in the Niagara Peninsula is three decades old. Peer-reviewed publications on the subject are rare, and researchers have struggled to develop bird-damage assessment techniques useful for facilitating management programmes. I used a variation of Stevenson and Virgo's (1971) visual estimation procedure to quantify spatial and temporal trends in bird damage to grapes within single vineyard plots at two locations near St. Catharines, Ontario. I present a novel approach to managing the rank-data from visual estimates, which is unprecedented in its sensitivity to spatial trends in bird damage. I also review its valid use in comparative statistical analysis. Spatial trends in 3 out of 4 study plots confirmed a priori predictions about localisation in bird damage based on optimal foraging from a central location (staging area). Damage to grape clusters was: (1) greater near the edges of vineyard plots and decreased with distance towards the center, (2) greater in areas adjacent to staging areas for birds, and (3) vertically stratified, with upper-tier clusters sustaining more damage than lower-tier clusters. From a management perspective, this predictive approach provides vineyard owners with the ability to identify the portions of plots likely to be most susceptible to bird damage, and thus the opportunity to focus deterrent measures in these areas. Other management considerations at Henry of Pelham were: (1) wind damage to ice-wine Riesling and Vidal was much higher than bird damage, (2) plastic netting with narrow mesh provided more effective protection agsiinst birds than nylon netting with wider mesh, and (3) no trends in relative susceptibility of varietals by colour (red vs green) were evident.

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This experimental study examined the effects of cooperative learning and a question-answering strategy called elaborative interrogation ("Why is this fact true?") on the learning of factual information about familiar animals. Retention gains were compared across four study conditions: elaborative-interrogation-plus-cooperative learning, cooperative-learning, elaborative-interrogation, and reading-control. Sixth-grade students (n=68) were randomly assigned to the four conditions. All participants were given initial training and practice in cooperative learning procedures via three 45-minute sessions. After studying 36 facts about six animals, students' retention gains were measured via immediate free recall, immediate matched association, 30-day, and GO-day matched association tests. A priori comparisons were made to analyze the data. For immediate free recall and immediate matched association, significant differences were found between students in the three experimental conditions versus those in the control condition. Elaborative-interrogation and elaborativeinterrogation- plus-cooperative-learning also promoted longterm retention (measured via 30-day matched association) of the material relative to repetitive reading with elaborative-interrogation promoting the most durable gains (measured via GO-day matched association). The relationship between the types of elaborative responses and probability of subsequent retention was also examined. Even when students were unable to provide adequate answers to the why questions, learning was facilitated more so than repetitive reading. In general, generation of adequate elaborations was associated with greater probability of recall than was provision of inadequate answers. The findings of the study demonstrate that cooperative learning and the use of elaborative interrogation, both individually and collaboratively, are effective classroom procedures for facilitating children's learning of new information.

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It is our intention in the course of the development of this thesis to give an account of how intersubjectivity is "eidetically" constituted by means of the application of the phenomenological reduction to our experience in the context of the thought of Edmund Husserl; contrasted with various representative thinkers in what H. Spiegelberg refers to as "the wider scene" of phenomenology. That is to say, we intend to show those structures of both consciousness and the relation which man has to the world which present themselves as the generic conditions for the possibility of overcoming our "radical sol itude" in order that we may gain access to the mental 1 ife of an Other as other human subject. It is clear that in order for us to give expression to these accounts in a coherent manner, along with their relative merits, it will be necessary to develop the common features of any phenomenological theory of consdousness whatever. Therefore, our preliminary inquiry, subordinate to the larger theme, shall be into some of the epistemological results of the application of the phenomenological method used to develop a transcendental theory of consciousness. Inherent in this will be the deliniation of the exigency for making this an lIintentional ll theory. We will then be able to see how itis possible to overcome transcendentally the Other as an object merely given among other merely given objects, and further, how this other is constituted specifically as other ego. The problem of transcendental intersubjectivity and its constitution in experience can be viewed as one of the most compelling, if not the most polemical of issues in phenomenology. To be sure, right from the beginning we are forced to ask a number of questions regarding Husserl's responses to the problem within the context of the methodological genesis of the Cartesian Meditations, and The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology. This we do in order to set the stage for amplification. First, we ask, has Husserl lived up to his goal, in this connexion, of an apodictic result? We recall that in his Logos article of 1911 he adminished that previous philosophy does not have at its disposal a merely incomplete and, in particular instances, imperfect doctrinal system; it simply has none whatever. Each and every question is herein controverted, each position is a matter of individual conviction, of the interpretation given byaschool, of a "point of view". 1. Moreover in the same article he writes that his goal is a philosophical system of doctrine that, after the gigantic preparatory work. of generations, really be- . gins from the ground up with a foundation free from doubt and rises up like any skilful construction, wherein stone is set upon store, each as solid as the other, in accord with directive insights. 2. Reflecting upon the fact that he foresaw "preparatory work of generations", we perhaps should not expect that he would claim that his was the last word on the matter of intersubjectivity. Indeed, with 2. 'Edmund Husserl, lIPhilosophy as a Rigorous Science" in Phenomenology and theCrisis6fPhilosophy, trans". with an introduction by Quentin Lauer (New York.: Harper & Row, 1965) pp. 74 .. 5. 2Ibid . pp. 75 .. 6. 3. the relatively small amount of published material by Husserl on the subject we can assume that he himself was not entirely satisfied with his solution. The second question we have is that if the transcendental reduction is to yield the generic and apodictic structures of the relationship of consciousness to its various possible objects, how far can we extend this particular constitutive synthetic function to intersubjectivity where the objects must of necessity always remain delitescent? To be sure, the type of 'object' here to be considered is unlike any other which might appear in the perceptual field. What kind of indubitable evidence will convince us that the characteristic which we label "alter-ego" and which we attribute to an object which appears to resemble another body which we have never, and can never see the whole of (namely, our own bodies), is nothing more than a cleverly contrived automaton? What;s the nature of this peculiar intentional function which enables us to say "you think just as I do"? If phenomenology is to take such great pains to reduce the takenfor- granted, lived, everyday world to an immanent world of pure presentation, we must ask the mode of presentation for transcendent sub .. jectivities. And in the end, we must ask if Husserl's argument is not reducible to a case (however special) of reasoning by analogy, and if so, tf this type of reasoning is not so removed from that from whtch the analogy is made that it would render all transcendental intersubjective understandtng impos'sible? 2. HistoticalandEidetic Priority: The Necessity of Abstraction 4. The problem is not a simple one. What is being sought are the conditions for the poss ibili:ty of experi encing other subjects. More precisely, the question of the possibility of intersubjectivity is the question of the essence of intersubjectivity. What we are seeking is the absolute route from one solitude to another. Inherent in this programme is the ultimate discovery of the meaning of community. That this route needs be lIabstract" requires some explanation. It requires little explanation that we agree with Husserl in the aim of fixing the goal of philosophy on apodictic, unquestionable results. This means that we seek a philosophical approach which is, though, not necessarily free from assumptions, one which examines and makes explicit all assumptions in a thorough manner. It would be helpful at this point to distinguish between lIeidetic ll priority, and JlhistoricallJpriority in order to shed some light on the value, in this context, of an abstraction.3 It is true that intersubjectivity is mundanely an accomplished fact, there havi.ng been so many mi.llions of years for humans to beIt eve in the exi s tence of one another I s abili ty to think as they do. But what we seek is not to study how this proceeded historically, but 3Cf• Maurice Natanson;·TheJburne in 'Self, a Stud in Philoso h and Social Role (Santa Cruz, U. of California Press, 1970 . rather the logical, nay, "psychological" conditions under which this is possible at all. It is therefore irrelevant to the exigesis of this monograph whether or not anyone should shrug his shoulders and mumble IIwhy worry about it, it is always already engaged". By way of an explanation of the value of logical priority, we can find an analogy in the case of language. Certainly the language 5. in a spoken or written form predates the formulation of the appropriate grammar. However, this grammar has a logical priority insofar as it lays out the conditions from which that language exhibits coherence. The act of formulating the grammar is a case of abstraction. The abstraction towards the discovery of the conditions for the poss; bi 1 ity of any experiencing whatever, for which intersubjective experience is a definite case, manifests itself as a sort of "grammar". This "grammar" is like the basic grammar of a language in the sense that these "rulesil are the ~ priori conditions for the possibility of that experience. There is, we shall say, an "eidetic priority", or a generic condition which is the logical antecedent to the taken-forgranted object of experience. In the case of intersubjectivity we readily grant that one may mundanely be aware of fellow-men as fellowmen, but in order to discover how that awareness is possible it is necessary to abstract from the mundane, believed-in experience. This process of abstraction is the paramount issue; the first step, in the search for an apodictic basis for social relations. How then is this abstraction to be accomplished? What is the nature of an abstraction which would permit us an Archimedean point, absolutely grounded, from which we may proceed? The answer can be discovered in an examination of Descartes in the light of Husserl's criticism. 3. The Impulse for Scientific Philosophy. The Method to which it Gives Rise. 6. Foremost in our inquiry is the discovery of a method appropriate to the discovery of our grounding point. For the purposes of our investigations, i.e., that of attempting to give a phenomenological view of the problem of intersubjectivity, it would appear to be of cardinal importance to trace the attempt of philosophy predating Husserl, particularly in the philosophy of Descartes, at founding a truly IIscientific ll philosophy. Paramount in this connexion would be the impulse in the Modern period, as the result of more or less recent discoveries in the natural sciences, to found philosophy upon scientific and mathematical principles. This impulse was intended to culminate in an all-encompassing knowledge which might extend to every realm of possible thought, viz., the universal science ot IIMathexis Universalis ll •4 This was a central issue for Descartes, whose conception of a universal science would include all the possible sciences of man. This inclination towards a science upon which all other sciences might be based waS not to be belittled by Husserl, who would appropriate 4This term, according to Jacab Klein, was first used by Barocius, the translator of Proclus into Latin, to designate the highest mathematical discipline. . 7. it himself in hopes of establishing, for the very first time, philosophy as a "rigorous science". It bears emphasizing that this in fact was the drive for the hardening of the foundations of philosophy, the link between the philosophical projects of Husserl and those of the philosophers of the modern period. Indeed, Husserl owes Descartes quite a debt for indicating the starting place from which to attempt a radical, presupositionless, and therefore scientific philosophy, in order not to begin philosophy anew, but rather for the first time.5 The aim of philosophy for Husserl is the search for apodictic, radical certitude. However while he attempted to locate in experience the type of necessity which is found in mathematics, he wished this necessity to be a function of our life in the world, as opposed to the definition and postulation of an axiomatic method as might be found in the unexpurgated attempts to found philosophy in Descartes. Beyond the necessity which is involved in experiencing the world, Husserl was searching for the certainty of roots, of the conditi'ons which underl ie experience and render it pOssible. Descartes believed that hi~ MeditatiOns had uncovered an absolute ground for knowledge, one founded upon the ineluctable givenness of thinking which is present even when one doubts thinking. Husserl, in acknowledging this procedure is certainly Cartesian, but moves, despite this debt to Descartes, far beyond Cartesian philosophy i.n his phenomenology (and in many respects, closer to home). 5Cf. Husserl, Philosophy as a Rigorous Science, pp. 74ff. 8 But wherein lies this Cartesian jumping off point by which we may vivify our theme? Descartes, through inner reflection, saw that all of his convictions and beliefs about the world were coloured in one way or another by prejudice: ... at the end I feel constrained to reply that there is nothing in a all that I formerly believed to be true, of which I cannot in some measure doubt, and that not merely through want of thought or through levity, but for reasons which are very powerful and maturely considered; so that henceforth I ought not the less carefully to refrain from giving credence to these opinions than to that which is manifestly false, if I desire to arrive at any certainty (in the sciences). 6 Doubts arise regardless of the nature of belief - one can never completely believe what one believes. Therefore, in order to establish absolutely grounded knowledge, which may serve as the basis fora "universal Science", one must use a method by which one may purge oneself of all doubts and thereby gain some radically indubitable insight into knowledge. Such a method, gescartes found, was that, as indicated above by hi,s own words, of II radical doubt" which "forbids in advance any judgemental use of (previous convictions and) which forbids taking any position with regard to their val idi'ty. ,,7 This is the method of the "sceptical epoche ll , the method of doubting all which had heretofor 6Descartes,Meditations on First Philosophy, first Med., (Libera 1 Arts Press, New York, 1954) trans. by L. LaFl eur. pp. 10. 7Husserl ,CrisiS of Eliroeari SCiences and Trariscendental Phenomenology, (Northwestern U. Press, Evanston, 1 7 ,p. 76. 9. been considered as belonging to the world, including the world itself. What then is left over? Via the process of a thorough and all-inclusive doubting, Descartes discovers that the ego which performs the epoche, or "reduction", is excluded from these things which can be doubted, and, in principle provides something which is beyond doubt. Consequently this ego provides an absolute and apodictic starting point for founding scientific philosophy. By way of this abstention. of bel ief, Desca'rtes managed to reduce the worl d of everyday 1 ife as bel ieved in, to mere 'phenomena', components of the rescogitans:. Thus:, having discovered his Archimedean point, the existence of the ego without question, he proceeds to deduce the 'rest' of the world with the aid of innate ideas and the veracity of God. In both Husserl and Descartes the compelling problem is that of establ ishing a scientific, apodictic phi'losophy based upon presuppos itionless groundwork .. Husserl, in thi.s regard, levels the charge at Descartes that the engagement of his method was not complete, such that hi.S: starting place was not indeed presupositionless, and that the validity of both causality and deductive methods were not called into question i.'n the performance of theepoche. In this way it is easy for an absolute evidence to make sure of the ego as: a first, "absolute, indubitablyexisting tag~end of the worldll , and it is then only a matter of inferring the absolute subs.tance and the other substances which belon.g to the world, along with my own mental substance, using a logically val i d deductive procedure. 8 8Husserl, E.;' Cartesian 'Meditation;, trans. Dorion Cairns (Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1970), p. 24 ff.

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Introduction Man can be described as the being who shows himself in speech, and from birth to death is continually speaking. Communication is so close to us, so woven into our very being, that we have little understanding of the way it is constituted; for it is as hard to obtain distance from communication as it is to obtain distance from ourselves. All communication is not alike. There are two basic modesl of communication, the inauthentic and the authentic, between which there occurs a constant tension. It is in the inauthentic mode, points out Heidegger, that we find ourselves "proximately and for the most part"; 1. Being and Time, pg. 68 Dasein decides as to the way it will comport itself in taking up its task of having being as an issue for it. " •.• it~, in its very being 'choose' itself and win itself; it can also lose itself and never win itself or only "seem" to do so. But only in so far as it is essentially something which can be authentic--that is, something of its own--can it have lost itself and not yet won itself." 2. therefore Heidegger also terms it "everydayness".2 Caught up in the world of everydayness, our speaking covers over and conceals3 our rootedness in being, leaving us in the darkness of untruth. The image of darkness may be inferred from Heidegger's use of the image of "clearing,,4 to depict being as 2. ibid. pg. 69 "Dasein's average everydayness, however, is not to be taken as a mere 'aspect'. Here too, and even in the mode of inauthenticity, the structure of existentiality lies ~ priori and here too Dasein's being is an issue for it in a definite way; and Dasein comports itself towards it the mode of average everydayness, even if this is only the mode of fleeing in the face of it and forgetfulness thereof." 3. ibid. pg. 59 "covering over" and "concealing" are 1;yays Dasein tries to flee its task of having being as an issue for itself. " ••• This being can be covered up so extensively that it becomes forgotten and no question arises about it or its meaning ••• n How everyday speaking accomplishes this will be taken up in detail in the second chapter which explores Dasein's everyday speech. 4. ibid, pg. 171 lI ••• we have in mind nothing other than the Existential - ontological structure of this entity (Dasein), that it is in such a way as to be its 'there'. To say that it is -' illuminated' [tlerleuchtet"] means that as Being-in-theworld it is cleared [gelichtetJ in itself7 not through any other entity, but in such a way that it is itself the clearing. Only for an entity which is eXistentially cleared in this way does what is present-at-hand become accessible in the light or hidden in the dark •••• " 3 dis-coveredness and truth. Our first task will be to explore the nature of communication in general and then to explore each of the modes manifested in turn. The structure of the inauthentic mode of communication can be explored by asking the following questions: What is this speaking about? Who is it that is speaking and who is spoken to? Does this speaking show man in his speech? The authentic mode is distinguished by the rarity with which we encounter it; as the inauthentic conceals, so the authentic reveals our rootedness in being. Yet this rarity makes it difficult to delineate its elusive structure clearly. Its constituent elements can be brought into focus by asking the same questions of this mode that we previously asked of the inauthentic mode. Our initial response to the disclosure of the authentic mode is to attempt to abandon the inauthentic mode and leave the darkness behind dwelling only in the "lighted place". All through the ages, some men pushing this to extreme, have, upon uncovering their relatedness to being, experienced a deep longing to dwell in such a "place" of pure truth and oft times denigrated or attempted to exclude the everyday world. Such 4. flight is twice mistaken: first it atbempts to fix truth as unchanging and static and secondly, it opposes this to untruth which it seeks to abolish. This is both the wrong view of truth and the wrong view of untruth as Heidegger points out in The Origin of The-Work of Art: The Way-to-be of truth, i.e., of discoveredness, is under the sway of refusal. But this refusal is no lack or privation, as if truth could be simply discoveredness rid of all covers. If it could be that, it would no longer be itself . ••• Truth in its way-to-be is untruth.5 Pure light is not the nature of Being nor is pure unconcealedness possible for man. Failure to remember this is the failure to realize that communication destroys itself in such flight because it no longer maintains the contingency of its task, i.e., the dis-closedness of being. We are reminded of the strong attraction this flight from darkness held for Plato. Light, truth and Being are all beyond the darkness and have nothing to do with it. In Book VII of the R~public, Socrates' explanation of the Allegory of the Cave to Glaucon points to a decided preference men have for the "lighted place". 5. The Origin Of The Work Of Art, pg. 42 5. Come then, I said, and join me in this further thought, and do not be surprised that those who attained to this height are not willing to occupy themselves with the affairs of men, but their souls ever feel the upward urge and yearning for that sojourn above. For this, I take it, is likely if in this point too the likeliness of our image holds. 6 Despite the attraction to pure truth, human communication is more complex than putting down one mode of communication and picking up another. Due to the fact that we are always on the way, the title of my thesis will have to be amended: OUT OF THE DARKNESS AND INTO THE LIGHT--AGAIN AND AGAIN. It must be this way because this is what it means to be human. This is the point made by Mephisto to Faust in pointing out that man, standing between God and the devil, needs both darkness and light: Er findet sich in einem ewigen Gl~t Uns hat er in die Finsternis gebracht, Und euch taugt einzig Tag und Nacht. 7 6. Republic z (517 c & d) It should be noted however, that while the philosopherking must be compelled to return to the cave for purely political reasons, once he has taken adequate view of the "brightest region of being" he has the full truth and his return to darkness adds nothing to the truth. 7. Faust, pg. 188 6. This thesis proposes to examine the grounds that give rise to communication, uncovering the structure of its inauthentic and authentic modes and paying close attention to tpeir interrelationship and to their relationship to language as "the house of Being": language that both covers and opens up man's rootedness in Being, transforming him as he moves along his way, taking up his "ownmost task" of becoming who he is. roots. He is the being who shows himself inn that reflects his forgetfulness or remembrance of his rootedness in being. Man comes into an already existent world and is addressedl through things in the world which are c

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The purpose of this ethnographic case study was to describe the characteristics of one school's Comprehensive School Health (CSH) initiative and to explore the experiences of school community members in order to gain an understanding of how one school embraced a Comprehensive School Health approach. An elementary school (grades Junior Kindergarten to six) in Burlington, Ontario was the research site for this study. Multiple methods of data collection (observations, document analysis, interviews) were used in keeping with the ethnographic and case study approach. The data were coded using both a deductive and then inductive process (Merriam, 1998). From a deductive perspective, the coding system and the subsequent identification of categories were based on a priori categories identified by using the elements of CSH based on the Comprehensive School Health Consensus Statement prepared by the Canadian Association of School Health and the research questions. Findings included the role that various school community members as well as the implementation of different programs and policies played in applying a CSH approach. The impact ofthe physical environment was described as well as successes and challenges related to the school's experience in implementing CSH. Three main themes emerged that characterized this school's experience. The first theme relates to the fundamental question about CSH which is the school community's understanding o/the concept. The second theme focused on positive school culture and the third and most diverse theme was that of capacity. Engaging in CSH is a complex and long-term undertaking involving both the school and greater community. Based on the experiences of this school's community members, recommendations address the different levels of influence on the health of children.

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If quality of life is an important recreation outcome, then municipal parks and recreation management's efforts have to change because:· Over one-third of all the little kids in schools will be diabetic in their lifetime if the trends we are looking at continue. The average loss of life is about 15 years, and there is an average reduction in quality oflife by about 20 years (Jackson, 2007). This thesis is about municipal parks and recreation, an agency that controls and limits physical activity opportunity. It is also about active living; from an ecological perspective, a multi-disciplinary approach to incorporate physical activity into more 111 people's daily lives. In particular, this thesis examines one case --'. the Donutville Case - . with the intent of providing an explanation of how municipal parks and recreation can advance its management efforts to improve health outcomes of people suffering from daily physical activity deficits. More specifically, how can the tension between external and internal environments to municipal parks and recreation be better balanced to affect the change needed? Given that changing the current social reality is through making decisions, decision-making functions connected with systems theory helps identify how recreation authorities can more effectively influence environmental physical activity determinants. , Sallis et al.' (2006) ·social ecological model provides the a priori focus on active living decision-making. An integrated analogous emerging logic model is developed and presented as an efficacious strategy for how municipal parks and recreation decisionmakers can affect change. Keywords: physical activity, benefits outcomes, healthy livable community, quality of life, systems thinking, social ecological model, deci~ion-making, logic modeling, municipal parks and recreation, active living.

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Exploring the new science of emergence allows us to create a very different classroom than how the modern classroom has been conceptualised under the mentality of efficiency and output. Working on the whole person, and not just the mind, we see a shift from the epistemic pillars of truth to more ontological concerns as regards student achievement in our post-Modern and critical discourses. It is important to understand these shifts and how we are to transition our own perception and mentality not only in our research methodologies but also our approach to conceptualisations of issues in education and sustainability. We can no longer think linearly to approach complex problems or advocate for education and disregard our interconnectedness insofar as it enhances our children’s education. We must, therefore, contemplate and transition to a world that is ecological and not mechanical, complex and not complicated—in essence, we must work to link mind-body with self-environment and transcend these in order to bring about an integration toward a sustainable future. A fundamental shift in consciousness and perception may implicate our nature of creating dichotomous entities in our own microcosms, yet postmodern theorists assume, a priori, that these dualities can be bridged in naturalism alone. I, on the other hand, embrace metaphysics to understand the implicated modern classroom in a hierarchical context and ask: is not the very omission of metaphysics in postmodern discourse a symptom from an education whose foundation was built in its absence? The very dereliction of ancient wisdom in education is very peculiar indeed. Western mindfulness may play a vital component in consummating pragmatic idealism, but only under circumstances admitting metaphysics can we truly transcend our limitations, thereby placing Eastern Mindfulness not as an ecological component, but as an ecological and metaphysical foundation.

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Three studies comprised the current research program, in which the major goals were to propose and validate empirically the proposed two-level (universal and culture-specific) model of both autonomy and relatedness, as well as to develop reliable and valid measures for these two constructs. In Study 1, 143 mainland Chinese adolescents were asked open-ended questions about their understanding of autonomy and relatedness in three social contexts (peer, family, school). Chinese youth’s responses captured universal and culturally distinctive forms of autonomy (personal vs. social) and relatedness (accommodation vs. distinctiveness), according to a priori criteria based on the theoretical frameworks. Also, scenarios designed to reflect culture-specific forms of autonomy and relatedness suggested their relevance to Chinese adolescents. With a second sample of 201 mainland Chinese youth, in Study 2, the obtained autonomy and relatedness descriptors were formulated into scale items. Those items were subject to refinement analyses to examine their psychometric properties and centrality to Chinese youth. The findings of Study 1 scenarios were replicated in Study 2. The primary goal of Study 3 was to test empirically the proposed two-level (universal and culture-specific) models of both autonomy and relatedness, using the measures derived from Studies 1 and 2. A third sample of 465 mainland Chinese youth completed a questionnaire booklet consisting of autonomy and relatedness scales and scenarios and achievement motivation orientations measures. A series of confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) autonomy and relatedness measurement models (first-order and second-order), as well as structural models linking culture-specific forms of autonomy and relatedness and achievement motivation orientations, were conducted. The first-order measurement models based on scale and scenario scores consistently confirmed the distinction between personal autonomy and social autonomy, and that of accommodation and distinctiveness. Although the construct validity of the two culture-specific forms of autonomy gained additional support from the structural models, the associations between the two culture-specific forms of relatedness and achievement motivation orientations were relatively weak. In general, the two-level models of autonomy and relatedness were supported in two ways: conceptual analysis of scale items and second-order measurement models. In addition, across the three studies, I explored potential contextual and sex differences in Chinese youth’s endorsement of the diverse forms of autonomy and relatedness. Overall, no substantial contextual variability or sex differences were found. The current research makes an important theoretical contribution to the field of developmental psychology in general, and autonomy and relatedness in particular, by proposing and testing empirically both universal and culture-specific parts of autonomy and relatedness. The current findings have implications for the measurement of autonomy and relatedness across social contexts, as well as for socialization and education practice.

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The current qualitative study examined an adapted version of the psychoeducational program, Teaching Adolescents to Think and Act Responsibly: The EQUIP Approach (DiBiase, Gibbs, Potter, & Blount, 2012). The adapted version, referred to as the EQUIP – Narrative Filmmaking Program, was implemented as a means of character education. The purpose of this study was three-fold: 1) to examine how the EQUIP – Narrative Film-making Program influenced student’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviours; 2) to explore the students’ and the teacher’s perception of their experience with the program; and 3) to assess whether or not the integrated EQUIP – Narrative Film-making Program addressed the goals of Ontario’s character education initiative. Purposive sampling was used to select one typical Grade 9 Exploring Technologies class, consisting of 15 boys from a Catholic board of education in the southern Ontario region. The EQUIP – Narrative Film-making Program required students to create moral narrative films that first portrayed a set of self-centered cognitive distortions, with follow-up portrayals of behavioural modifications. Before, during, and after intervention questionnaires were administered to the students and teacher. The student questionnaires invited responses to a set of cognitive distortion vignettes. In addition, data was collected through student and teacher interviews, and researcher observation protocol reports. Initially the data was coded according to an a priori set of themes that were further analyzed according to emotion and values coding methods. The results indicated that while each student was unique in his thoughts, feelings, and behavioural responses to the cognitive distortion vignettes after completing the EQUIP program, the overall trends showed students had a more positive attitude, with a decreased proclivity for antisocial behaviour and self-serving cognitive distortion portrayed in the vignettes. Overall, the teacher and students’ learning experiences were mainly positive and the program met the learning expectations of Ontario’s character education initiative. Based on these results of the present study, it is recommended that the EQUIP – Narrative Film-making Program be further evaluated through quantitative research and longitudinal study.

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In this paper : a) the consumer’s problem is studied over two periods, the second one involving S states, and the consumer being endowed with S+1 incomes and having access to N financial assets; b) the consumer is then representable by a continuously differentiable system of demands, commodity demands, asset demands and desirabilities of incomes (the S+1 Lagrange multiplier of the S+1 constraints); c) the multipliers can be transformed into subjective Arrow prices; d) the effects of the various incomes on these Arrow prices decompose into a compensation effect (an Antonelli matrix) and a wealth effect; e) the Antonelli matrix has rank S-N, the dimension of incompleteness, if the consumer can financially adjust himself when facing income shocks; f) the matrix has rank S, if not; g) in the first case, the matrix represents a residual aversion; in the second case, a fundamental aversion; the difference between them is an aversion to illiquidity; this last relation corresponds to the Drèze-Modigliani decomposition (1972); h) the fundamental aversion decomposes also into an aversion to impatience and a risk aversion; i) the above decompositions span a third decomposition; if there exists a sure asset (to be defined, the usual definition being too specific), the fundamental aversion admits a three-component decomposition, an aversion to impatience, a residual aversion and an aversion to the illiquidity of risky assets; j) the formulas of the corresponding financial premiums are also presented.

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This paper employs the one-sector Real Business Cycle model as a testing ground for four different procedures to estimate Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium (DSGE) models. The procedures are: 1 ) Maximum Likelihood, with and without measurement errors and incorporating Bayesian priors, 2) Generalized Method of Moments, 3) Simulated Method of Moments, and 4) Indirect Inference. Monte Carlo analysis indicates that all procedures deliver reasonably good estimates under the null hypothesis. However, there are substantial differences in statistical and computational efficiency in the small samples currently available to estimate DSGE models. GMM and SMM appear to be more robust to misspecification than the alternative procedures. The implications of the stochastic singularity of DSGE models for each estimation method are fully discussed.

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McCausland (2004a) describes a new theory of random consumer demand. Theoretically consistent random demand can be represented by a \"regular\" \"L-utility\" function on the consumption set X. The present paper is about Bayesian inference for regular L-utility functions. We express prior and posterior uncertainty in terms of distributions over the indefinite-dimensional parameter set of a flexible functional form. We propose a class of proper priors on the parameter set. The priors are flexible, in the sense that they put positive probability in the neighborhood of any L-utility function that is regular on a large subset bar(X) of X; and regular, in the sense that they assign zero probability to the set of L-utility functions that are irregular on bar(X). We propose methods of Bayesian inference for an environment with indivisible goods, leaving the more difficult case of indefinitely divisible goods for another paper. We analyse individual choice data from a consumer experiment described in Harbaugh et al. (2001).