828 resultados para social-political themes
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This book brings together the fields of language policy and discourse studies from a multidisciplinary theoretical, methodological and empirical perspective. The chapters in this volume are written by international scholars active in the field of language policy and planning and discourse studies. The diverse research contexts range from education in Paraguay and Luxembourg via businesses in Wales to regional English language policies in Tajikistan. Readers are thereby invited to think critically about the mutual relationship between language policy and discourse in a range of social, political, economic and cultural spheres. Using approaches that draw on discourse-analytic, anthropological, ethnographic and critical sociolinguistic frameworks, the contributors in this collection explore and refine the ‘discursive’ and the ‘critical’ aspects of language policy as a multilayered, fluid, ideological, discursive and social process that can operate as a tool of social change as well as reinforcing established power structures and inequalities.
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The Maasai/Kikuyu agro-pastoral borderlands of Maiella and Enoosupukia, located in the hinterlands of Lake Naivasha’s agro-industrial hub, are particularly notorious in the history of ethnicised violence in the Kenya’s Rift Valley. In October 1993, an organised assault perpetrated by hundreds of Maasai vigilantes, with the assistance of game wardens and administration police, killed more than 20 farmers of Kikuyu descent. Consequently, thousands of migrant farmers were violently evicted from Enoosupukia at the instigation of leading local politicians. Nowadays, however, intercommunity relations are surprisingly peaceful and the cooperative use of natural resources is the rule rather than the exception. There seems to be a form of reorganization. Violence seems to be contained and the local economy has since recovered. This does not mean that there is no conflict, but people seem to have the facility to solve them peacefully. How did formerly violent conflicts develop into peaceful relations? How did competition turn into cooperation, facilitating changing land use? This dissertation explores the value of cross-cutting ties and local institutions in peaceful relationships and the non-violent resolution of conflicts across previously violently contested community boundaries. It mainly relies on ethnographic data collected between 2014 and 2015. The discussion therefore builds on several theoretical approaches in anthropology and the social sciences – that is, violent conflicts, cross-cutting ties and conflicting loyalties, joking relationships, peace and nonviolence, and institutions, in order to understand shared spaces that are experiencing fairly rapid social and economic changes, and characterised by conflict and coexistence. In the researched communities, cross-cutting ties and the split allegiances associated with them result from intermarriages, land transactions, trade, and friendship. By institutions, I refer to local peace committees, an attempt to standardise an aspect of customary law, and Nyumba Kumi, a strategy of anchoring community policing at the household level. In 2010, the state “implanted” these grassroots-level institutions and conferred on them the rights to handle specific conflicts and to prevent crime. I argue that the studied groups utilise diverse networks of relationships as adaptive responses to landlessness, poverty, and socio-political dynamics at the local level. Material and non-material exchanges and transfers accompany these social and economic ties and networks. In addition to being instrumental in nurturing a cohesive social fabric, I argue that such alliances could be thought of as strategies of appropriation of resources in the frontiers – areas that are considered to have immense agricultural potential and to be conducive to economic enterprise. Consequently, these areas are continuously changed and shaped through immigration, population growth, and agricultural intensification. However, cross-cutting ties and intergroup alliances may not necessarily prevent the occurrence or escalation of conflicts. Nevertheless, disputes and conflicts, which form part of the social order in the studied area, create the opportunities for locally contextualised systems of peace and non-violence that inculcate the values of cooperation, coexistence, and restraint from violence. Although the neo-traditional institutions (local peace committees and Nyumba Kumi) face massive complexities and lack the capacity to handle serious conflicts, their application of informal constraints in dispute resolution provides room for some optimism. Notably, the formation of ties and alliances between the studied groups, and the use of local norms and values to resolve disputes, are not new phenomena – they are reminiscent of historical patterns. Their persistence, particularly in the context of Kenya, indicates a form of historical continuity, which remains rather “undisturbed” despite the prevalence of ethnicised political economies. Indeed, the formation of alliances, which are driven by mutual pursuit of commodities (livestock, rental land, and agricultural produce), markets, and diversification, tends to override other identities. While the major thrust of social science literature in East Africa has focused on the search for root causes of violence, very little has been said about the conditions and practices of cooperation and non-violent conflict resolution. In addition, situations where prior violence turned into peaceful interaction have attracted little attention, though the analysis of such transitional phases holds the promise of contributing to applicable knowledge on conflict resolution. This study is part of a larger multidisciplinary project, “Resilience in East African Landscapes” (REAL), which is a Marie Curie Actions Innovative Training Networks (ITN) project. The principal focus of this multidisciplinary project is to study past, present, and future thresholds and sustainable trajectories in human-landscape interactions in East Africa over the last millennia. While other individual projects focus on long-term ecosystem dynamics and societal interactions, my project examines human-landscape interactions in the present and the very recent past (i.e. the period in which events and processes were witnessed or can still be recalled by today’s population). The transition from conflict to coexistence and from competition to cooperative use of previously violently contested land resources is understood here as enhancing adaptation in the face of social-political, economic, environmental, and climatic changes. This dissertation is therefore a contribution to new modes of resilience in human-landscape interactions after a collapse situation.
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Ce mémoire a pour but de décrire et d’analyser la diversité des expériences de jeunes Kanak et d’explorer comment ils font preuve d’agencéité en vue de prendre part au « vivre ensemble » en Nouvelle-Calédonie. Ne pouvant couvrir l’ensemble de la « jeunesse kanak », la recherche porte en particulier sur une « bande » de jeunes de Koné impliquée dans des associations régies par la loi du 1er juillet 1901 et dont les activités se déroulent autour d’une maisonnée du quartier des Cigales. L’analyse révèle qu’on ne peut réduire les expériences et pratiques des jeunes aux discours dominants qui les enferment dans une culture ancestrale immuable et qui mettent surtout l’accent sur leur inadéquation dans le monde contemporain et leurs problèmes. Les jeunes sont dotés de capacités créatives, désirent contribuer à la société, mais surtout, à y avoir un espace de parole. La recherche montre également que les expériences et initiatives des jeunes doivent être comprises en relation avec la « situation » contemporaine dans laquelle elles prennent place et qui est caractérisée par les transformations du contexte social, politique et économique de la Nouvelle-Calédonie depuis la signature de l’Accord de Nouméa (1998). Mots-clés : Kanak, Nouvelle-Calédonie, jeunes, destin commun, citoyenneté, vie quotidienne, milieu urbain, autochtone.
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ResumenEl artículo analiza las funciones del cabildo catedralicio de la Diócesis de Nicaragua y Costa Rica con el fin de explicar las relaciones sociales, políticas y económicas de sus miembros y determinar la importancia del cabildo en el funcionamiento de la diócesis entre los años 1531 y 1859. Las fuentes primarias coloniales sobre el cabildo catedralicio, los testamentos y padrones de diezmos, entre otros; revelan que los miembros del cabildo catedralicio de León tuvieron funciones específicas dentro de la diócesis tanto durante la sede vacante como cuando existía Obispo al frente de la diócesis. Los miembros del cabildo catedralicio no constituyeron un cuerpo capitular aislado de la sociedad, sino que mantuvieron relaciones de confianza, económicas y sociales entre ellos y con la sociedad que los rodeaba, por tanto, fueron un cuerpo capitular crucial para el funcionamiento de la diócesis durante su sede vacante y cuando fueron el consejo asesor del ObispoAbstractThe article analyzes the functions of the cathedral chapter of the Diocese of Nicaragua and Costa Rica with the purpose of explaining the social, political and economic relations of its members and determining the importance of the chapter in the operation of the diocese between the years 1531 and 1859. Colonial primary sources, including testaments and tithe registers, among others, reveal that the members of the cathedral chapter of Leon had specific functions within the diocese, both when the see was vacant and when there was a Bishop in office. The members of the cathedral chapter did not constitute a capitular body isolated from the rest of society. Rather, they maintained economic and social relations of trust among themselves and with the society that surrounded them. Therefore, they were a capitular body crucial to the operation of the diocese, both when they served as the bishops advisory committee and when they governed the diocese in the absence of a Bishop.
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ResumenLa baja de precios del café desde 1989 sorprendió a los pequeños productores en un momento en que tienen que adaptarse a las nuevas reglas de producción y comercialización impuestas por las políticas de modernización del gobierno de Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994). Las migraciones son una respuesta, entre otras, a la(s) crisis, a primera vista individual pero que afecta el devenir social, político y cultural de las comunidades. En este estudio se analizan los procesos migratorios nacientes en el centro de Veracruz, y se plantea que si bien algunas comunidades pueden lograr una cierta “reconversión” gracias a la cercanía de centros urbanos que ofrecen alternativas de trabajo, en otras se inician procesos de migración lejana y colectiva que amenazan la reproducción misma de la comunidad rural en cuanto tal.AbstractThe sharp drop in the price of coffee since 1989 took small farmers by surprise at the time when they must adapt to the new rules of productions and marketing under the modernizing polices of the Salinas de Gortari government (1988-1994). Migrations are one response to the crisis (or crises). While seemingly an individual one, they affect the social, political and cultural future of those communities. This study discusses the emerging migratory processes in central Veracruz, and suggests that while some communities may attain a degree of “retrofitting” thanks to nearby urban centers offering job opportunities, others are undergoing long-distance, collective migratory processes which threaten the very reproduction of the rural community per se.
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Esse artigo pretende discutir como as transformações tecnológicas vêm influenciando a ciência geográfica, especificamente com o advento das geotecnologias. Diante de inúmeras potencialidades e aplicações na análise e gestão territorial, nós devemos refletir sobre seu real significado, que certamente ultrapassa o caráter meramente técnico. É necessário compreender a vasta dimensão social, política e econômica que abrangem. Atualmente as técnicas são cada vez mais utilizadas, aceitas e menos compreendidas, o que pode implicar riscos para a sociedade em função de interpretações equivocadas e muitas vezes desprovidas de princípios éticos. Vinte anos após a “unificação” do mundo com a queda do Muro de Berlim, o cenário sociocultural e político se redefine em um paradigma de contradições. As inovações tecnológicas funcionam como um instrumento emblemático subordinado ao mercado financeiro e a globalização marca a atual fase do capitalismo, que segue seu curso encontrando as limitações inerentes à tecnologia em que se sustenta. This paper intends to discuss how the technological changes have affected the geographical science, specifically with the advent of geotechnologies. Up against with great potential and applications in analysis and land management, we must to reflect on its real meaning, which certainly goes beyond the merely technical. It’s necessary to understand the broad social, political and economic dimension wich inclued. Currently, the techniques are increasingly used, accepted and least understood, which may to implicate a risk to society due to misinterpretation and often devoid of ethical principles. Twenty years after the "unification" of the world with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the cultural and political landscape was altered in a paradigm of contradictions. Technological innovations work as a emblematic instrument subordinate to financial markets and globalization marks the current phase of capitalism, which runs its course finding the limitations inherent in the technology which supports.
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ResumenLa historia de los derechos humanos en Costa Rica muestra una característica muy particular,por cuanto desde mucho antes de haberse promulgado la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos en 1948 ya se daban pasos en su búsqueda. Desde el siglo XlX, aunque fuera de forma clandestina o artesanal, se empezaron a hacer sentir organizaciones y distintas formas de expresión a través de las cuales denunciar las malas condiciones de vida y alcanzar algunos beneficios. En medio de circunstancias adversas y poco apropiadas los movimientos fueron aumentando de intensidad al punto de que ya para 1930 cobran más vigor, lo que se evidencia con un movimiento obrero más organizado y la conformación del Partido Comunista. La lucha por lo que hoy conocemos como derechos humanos logra alcanzar su mayor esplendor en los años de 1940 gracias a las circunstancias coyunturales que favorecieron la presencia de un gobierno reformista como el del presidente Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia y una activa participación de la Iglesia católica a través de Mons. Víctor Sanabria. De esta forma en Costa Rica se obtuvo el paquete de garantías sociales: un código de trabajo que regulara todo lo pertinenteal trabajo y la seguridad social con la creación de la CCSS. En un tiempo prudencial y con una amplia participación social los y las costarricenses alcanzaron derechos económicos, sociales, políticos y culturales.Palabras clave: derechos humanos, legislación social, código de trabajo, movimiento obrero, Partido Comunista, Iglesia católica.AbstractThe history of Human rights in Costa Rica shows a particular characteristic because long before the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, steps towards its search were taken in the country. Since the nineteenth century, although in a clandestine or rustic manner, different organizations and forms of expression through which expose the poor conditions of life and reach some benefits began to be felt. In the midst of adverse and inappropriate circumstances, the movements were increasing in intensity to the point that they got stronger by 1930, as evidenced with a more organized labor movement and the formation f the Communist Party. The fight we know today as human rights reaches its greatest prominence in the 1940’s thanks to temporary circumstances favoring the presence of a reformist government as that of President Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia’s, and an active participation of the Catholic Church by Bishop Víctor Sanabria. In this way Costa Rica obtained the social security package: a working code to regulate all matters related to labor and social security with the creation of the CCSS. In an appropriate manner and with broad social participation, costa ricans reached economic, social, political an cultural rights.Keywords: human rights, social legislation, Labor Code, labor movement, the Communist Party, Catholic Church.
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The earliest scholars were not concerned about preparing extensive investigations linking the Persian-period building remains excavated in the entire Levant together. Moreover, the research interests of scholars caused some impediments to the study of this period viz in the last decades; the Achaemenid period has been neglected by the scholars who -in turn- focused on the earlier and later periods for religious reasons. Too, while some regions have been studied abundantly, but it was not the case in other areas, which makes our knowledge is incomplete. From the explanation side, some scholars try to interpret the architectural remains from an ethnic perspective or unsubstantiated personal fancies, so their arguments were utterly lacking any objectivity. This thesis explores what are the Persian architectural and ornamental impacts on the Levantine architecture and the relations between Persian-period sites in Syria-Palestine region. Too, the architectural remains and their contents benefited us to clarify the settlement patterns in the regions being discussed. The author analyzed the ground plans of the buildings and their architectural features and ornamental motifs by conducting a descriptive, analytical, and interpretative study. He also conducted comparisons with similar buildings outside the Levant, especially in Fars to obtain a more comprehensive and systematic study, and then extracting any direct or indirect Persian influences. This has given us a better understanding of the nature of the social, political, and religious life in the entire Levant and the knowledge gap has been bridged to a satisfying extent. This study has demonstrated a few of the Achaemenid impacts, especially on the northern coastline of the Levant.
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In this study we deal with the relations of constitutive powers of the ways of production of the senses for a constitution of urbanity in the Jesuitical missions. The composition of grammar of aboriginal languages permitted the uniformity and the pattern. The urbanism organized the space according to social, political and economic demands. Repetition and sequential movement made up a perfect time. The conditions of production to urbanity were made of rigorous discipline that organized chaos.
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Anchoring on the studies of Ubersfeld (2005), Ryngaert (1996), Pallottini (1998), Pavis (1999), Magaldi (1984, 1997) about the way of structuring of theatrical text, as well as the symbolic structuring of Chevalier and Gueerbrant (1998), this work presents as object, the analysis of the characters' speeches Ele and Ela contained in the dramatic text Mão na luva (1966), by the playwright Oduvaldo Vianna Filho. The work approaches the dynamics of the relationships between the characters seeking to analyze in a specific way the dramatic construction of Vianna Filho, observing the author's peculiar aspects and the questionable relationship between text and representation. We want to show, through the strategies of construction of the text, the poetic view of the playwright, looking for the understanding of the nuances of the social-political discourse contained in the piece, that supplies, among other aspects, important characteristics to be considered in the analytic ambit: the identity, the social and financial situation that the protagonists are, the political-ideological convictions and the power relationships observed in a great part of the dialogues. It's important to point out that all these subjects are fundamental for the process of diegetic understanding; once, unavoidably, being generating sources of conflict.
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This paper examines the use of Twitter for long-term discussions around Australian politics, at national and state levels, tracking two hashtags during 2012: #auspol, denoting national political topics, and #wapol, which provides a case study of state politics (representing Western Australia). The long-term data collection provides the opportunity to analyse how the Twitter audience responds to Australian politics: which themes attract the most attention and which accounts act as focal points for these discussions. The paper highlights differences in the coverage of state and national politics. For #auspol, a small number of accounts are responsible for the majority of tweets, with politicians invoked but not directly contributing to the discussion. In contrast, #wapol stimulates a much lower level of tweeting. This example also demonstrates that, in addition to citizen accounts, traditional participants within political debate, such as politicians and journalists, are among the active contributors to state-oriented discussions on Twitter.
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Up front I am impelled to acknowledge an intellectual debt to Raewyn Connell as one of my PhD supervisors about 20 years ago and as having a lasting influence on my own sociological approach to research. One of key themes of this book is that southern theorists are rarely read in the northern hemisphere. This is not the case for Connell, however, one of Australia’s most internationally renowned scholars. The tome reads as the creative outpouring of her lifelong thirst for social science. Its main claim is that southern theory ‘has as much intellectual power as metropolitan social thought, and more political relevance’ (p. xii). A big but compelling claim, as I will explain.
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This paper addresses how social media was used to leverage votes in new media environments. Barack Obama’s social media campaign is analysed and illustrates how the Obama brand benefited from integrating social media into the campaign. Voting behaviour has changed; politicians are continually seeking new ways to communicate with their constituents. Voting on political ‘brands’ is based on an identity or image, rather than central issues. While political parties rely upon an integrated marketing communication (IMC) approach, with a focus on building the (political) brand of the party and brand relationships, communication is no longer fully controlled by the marketers.