809 resultados para crimes and harms


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Allene oxide synthase (AOS) mediates the conversion of lipoxygenase-derived fatty acid hydroperoxides to unstable allene epoxides, which supply the precursors for the synthesis of the phytohormone jasmonic acid (JA). In this study the characterization of AOS gene expression in flax (Linum usitatissimum) is reported. AOS was constitutively expressed in different organs of flax plants. Additionally, AOS gene expression was enhanced after mechanical wounding in both the directly damaged leaves and in the systemic tissue located distal to the treated leaves. This wound-induced accumulation of AOS required the de novo biosynthesis of other unknown proteins involved in the signaling pathway modulating wound-induced AOS gene expression. Furthermore, the wound-induced AOS mRNA accumulation was correlated with the increase in the levels of JA. Both JA and its precursor, 12-oxo-phytodienoic acid, activated AOS gene expression in a dose-dependent manner. Thus, JA could activate its own biosynthetic pathway in flax leaves. Moreover, neither salicylic acid (SA) nor aspirin influenced AOS enzymatic activity. It is interesting that pretreatment with SA or aspirin inhibited wound-induced accumulation of AOS transcripts. These results suggest that a potent inhibition of JA biosynthetic capacity in leaves can be affected by SA or aspirin at the level of AOS gene expression.

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President Edward Holyoke and Tutors Henry Flynt, Joseph Mayhew, and Thomas Marsh accused Prince of "sundry crimes & misdemeanors" and "sundry evil actions," including weakening and undermining the College government, showing contempt towards his fellow Tutors and towards Hollis Professor John Winthrop (who he claimed "knew no more of Philosophy than a Brute"), and making insulting remarks on numerous occasions. Prince was accused of calling others "Fool, Rogue, Rascal, Puppy &c." and of calling Col. Brattle "a Devilish Lyar." He was also accused of "appearing often times, to be what is commonly stil'd the worse for Drink" and of neglecting his duties towards his students.

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Manuscript volume in various hands containing three general sections: satirical poems about Harvard tutors, a section of "last words & dying" speeches of Harvard tutors, and a copy of the Book of Harvard."

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Important changes have occurred in recent years in the attitude of a majority of the German elite towards the history of the 20th century and the political identity built on collective memory. Until recently, the sense of guilt for the crimes of the Third Reich and the obligation to remember were prevalent. While these two elements of Germany's memory of World War II are still important, currently the focus increasingly shifts to the German resistance against Nazism and the fate of the Germans who suffered in the war. Positive references to Germany's post-war history also occupy more and more space in the German memory. In 2009, i.e. the year of the 60th anniversary of the Federal Republic of Germany and the 20th anniversary of the fall of Communism, the efforts of German public institutions concentrate on promoting a new canon of history built around the successful democratisation and Germany's post-war economic success. The purpose behind these measures is to build a common historical memory that could be shared by the eastern and western parts of Germany and appeal to Germany's immigrants, who account for a growing proportion of the society.

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The question of Kosovo's status is currently one of the most important issues in international politics. Since 1999, Kosovo has been an international protectorate which was created in the aftermath of the NATO intervention to stop the brutal pacification of the Albanian insurgency by Serb forces. The province has since de facto become independent of Serbia. Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council, which established the protectorate, does not preclude any possible outcome as regards its status. Aware that after the crimes of 1999, any attempt to re-integrate Kosovo into Serbia would lead to a massive Albanian uprising, the West has decided that the best solution would be to award Kosovo internationally supervised independence, while at the same time granting very wide autonomy to the Kosovo Serbs. Serbia and Russia rejected the solution proposed by the West, and so Kosovo became an arena of international rivalry for influence in the Western Balkans as well as another element of rivalry, transcending the regional dimension, between Russia and the West. Russia has been using the Kosovo case to build a new model of its relations with the United States and the EU. Since there is a group of countries sceptical about, or even opposed to, Kosovo's independence within the EU, the Kosovo settlement will be a test of the EU's ability to speak with one voice with regard to its external policy.

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The objectives of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) for the countries of the Balkan region are generally assumed to be complementary. They both stress and condition their support and assistance on the progress that these countries make with regards to economic modernization, build-up of social institutions, and respect for international law. However, this rhetoric doesn't always match the facts on the ground. Often, instead of dealing with a cohesive set of policy recommendations, the countries in the region are faced with contradictory alternatives and zero-sum choices. The debate over the development of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was such a case. It centered on whether the countries in the region should exempt US personnel from the jurisdiction of the Court while in the country and thus rendering them immune from prosecution for any crimes committed for which the US courts were not willing or able to take any action. The final outcome was mixed. Three of the countries - Croatia, Serbia (and Montenegro), and Slovenia - decided not to give in to US pressure, while the remaining three - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia - ignored the pleas and threats of the EU and of the various international non-governmental organizations and decided to sign Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) with the US. How can one explain such divergent outcomes? I argue that the credibility of actors involved played an important role in determining whether threats coming from the US or the EU were more credible, thus tipping the scales in favor of signing BIAs with the US. However, the issue of threat credibility serves only to narrow down the choices of actors. Further determination of the outcome necessitates a look at the nature of the security context in which these countries exist and operate.

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Includes index.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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1. Geschlechtsleben der Haussäugetiere / R. Schmaltz -- 2. Teil. Tierärztliche Geburtshilfe, Pathologie und Therapie / von J. Richter, J. Schmidt, R. Reinhardt.