925 resultados para Social relation


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This paper explores the limits and potentials of European citizenship as a transnational form of social integration, taking as comparison Marshall's classical analysis of the historical development of social rights in the context of the national Welfare State. It is submitted that this potential is currently frustrated by the prevailing negative-integration dimension in which the interplay between Union citizenship and national systems of Welfare State takes place. This negative dimension pervades the entire case law of the Court of Justice on Union citizenship, even becoming dominant – after the famous Viking and Laval judgements – in the ways in which the judges in Luxembourg have built, and limited, what in Marshall’s terms might be called the European collective dimension of “industrial citizenship”. The new architecture of the economic and monetary governance of the Union, based as it is on an unprecedented effort towards a creeping constitutionalisation of a neo-liberal politics of austerity and welfare retrenchment, is destined to strengthen the de-structuring pressures on the industrial-relation and social protection systems of the member States. The conclusions sum-up the main critical arguments and make some suggestions for an alternative path for re-politicising the social question in Europe.

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Le sujet de la présente étude est la violence scolaire, phénomène complexe et polysémique qui préoccupe légitimement le monde de l’éducation depuis plus de trente ans. À partir des analyses factorielles exploratoires, analyses de variance factorielle et finalement analyses multivariées de covariance, cette recherche vise plus précisément à dégager la relation entre le climat scolaire, le contexte scolaire et les différents rôles adoptés par les élèves du niveau secondaire lors d’une situation de violence scolaire. Les données de la présente étude ont été collectées par Michel Janosz et son équipe pendant l’année 2010, dans quatre établissements éducatifs provenant d’une commission scolaire de la grande région de Montréal. L’échantillon de départ est composé de 1750 élèves qui fréquentent des classes ordinaires et spéciales du premier et deuxième cycle du secondaire âgés entre 10 et 18 ans. Pour fins d’analyse, deux petites écoles ainsi que les classes spéciales ont été retirées. Il demeure donc 1551 élèves dans l’échantillon initial analysé. Les résultats des analyses permettent de constater d’une part, la relation significative existante entre les dimensions du climat scolaire et l’adoption des différents rôles lors d’une situation de violence scolaire, les climats d’appartenance et de sécurité étant les plus importants, et d’autre part d’observer des différences dans les perceptions que les élèves ont de la violence scolaire selon le niveau et selon l’école.

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While many factors have been studied in relation to the functioning of land markets, the role of land distribution has received relatively little attention. In this paper, we ask to what extent farmers’ propensity to buy land is related to the difference between them and their neighbours in terms of land ownership. To this end, we employ the concept of relative deprivation. Drawing on micro-level data from the transition period in Poland and using both OLS and instrumental variables strategy, we find that interpersonal comparisons with others in one’s reference group may have motivated a farmer’s behaviour in the land market. In particular, the propensity to purchase land is positively associated with experiencing higher relative deprivation. In addition, this relationship waned over time in a predictable manner: late in the transition period it was weaker than at the beginning of the period.

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Le sujet de la présente étude est la violence scolaire, phénomène complexe et polysémique qui préoccupe légitimement le monde de l’éducation depuis plus de trente ans. À partir des analyses factorielles exploratoires, analyses de variance factorielle et finalement analyses multivariées de covariance, cette recherche vise plus précisément à dégager la relation entre le climat scolaire, le contexte scolaire et les différents rôles adoptés par les élèves du niveau secondaire lors d’une situation de violence scolaire. Les données de la présente étude ont été collectées par Michel Janosz et son équipe pendant l’année 2010, dans quatre établissements éducatifs provenant d’une commission scolaire de la grande région de Montréal. L’échantillon de départ est composé de 1750 élèves qui fréquentent des classes ordinaires et spéciales du premier et deuxième cycle du secondaire âgés entre 10 et 18 ans. Pour fins d’analyse, deux petites écoles ainsi que les classes spéciales ont été retirées. Il demeure donc 1551 élèves dans l’échantillon initial analysé. Les résultats des analyses permettent de constater d’une part, la relation significative existante entre les dimensions du climat scolaire et l’adoption des différents rôles lors d’une situation de violence scolaire, les climats d’appartenance et de sécurité étant les plus importants, et d’autre part d’observer des différences dans les perceptions que les élèves ont de la violence scolaire selon le niveau et selon l’école.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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"The general substance of this little book is contained in an address delivered at Philadelphia, April 3, 1914, before the American academy of political and social science."--Pref.

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Bibliography: p. 36.

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Este trabalho apresenta o resultado de cinco estudos teóricos e empíricos embasados nas teorias de trocas sociais entre Líder-liderados (leader-member exchange), nas trocas sociais entre integrantes de equipes (team-member exchange) e no comprometimento organizacional, realizados nos anos de 2012 e 2013. A pesquisa empírica investigou a liderança, o comprometimento organizacional e o trabalho em equipe, mediante a participação voluntária de militares do Exército Brasileiro, dentre os quais se destacam aqueles que integraram a Missão de Paz para Estabilização do HAITI (MINUSTAH). Os dados da pesquisa foram coletados mediante o emprego de entrevistas individuais, realização de grupos focais (focus group) e aplicação de surveys pela internet. Os resultados dos estudos qualitativos indicaram a relevância da qualidade das trocas sociais entre líderes e liderados e do comprometimento organizacional para o trabalho desenvolvido na Missão de Paz para Estabilização do HAITI (MINUSTAH). Os estudos quantitativos indicaram o papel mediador do componente afetivo do comprometimento organizacional na relação entre a qualidade de trocas líder-liderado e a qualidade de trocas sociais em equipes. Análises comparativas identificaram diferenças no padrão de qualidade das trocas sociais estabelecidas entre líderes e liderados, entre os diferentes níveis hierárquicos e entre os militares que atuaram ou não na MINUSTAH. Verificou-se, ainda, que níveis mais elevados na qualidade de trocas sociais estabelecidas entre líderes e liderados e em equipes de trabalho estão associados a níveis mais elevados do componente afetivo de comprometimento organizacional. Estima-se que o presente estudo possa contribuir para o avanço de pesquisas sobre liderança e trocas sociais, além de subsidiar o aperfeiçoamento de programas de ensino, de treinamento e de fomento a pesquisas científicas, que possam favorecer as relações civis-militares no contexto brasileiro.

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There is no specific self-efficacy measure that has been developed primarily for problem drinkers seeking a moderation drinking goal. In this article, we report the factor structure of a 20-item Controlled Drinking Self-Efficacy Scale (CDSES Sitharthan et al., 1996; Sitharthan et al., 1997). The results indicate that the CDSES is highly reliable, and the factor analysis using the full sample identified four factors: negative affect, positive mood/social context, frequency of drinking, and consumption quantity. A similar factor structure was obtained for the subsample of men. In contrast, only three factors emerged in the analysis of data on female participants. Compared to women, men had low self-efficacy to control their drinking in situations relating to positive mood/social context, and subjects with high alcohol dependence had low self-efficacy for situations relating to negative affect, social situations, and drinking less frequently. The CDSES can be a useful measure in treatment programs providing a moderation drinking goal. (C) 2003 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

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In recent years there has been a resurgence of decentralized social governance concerned with the spatial dimensions of disadvantage. This article examines aspects of this resurgence in the Australian state of Queensland where, after the hasty birth of 'place management' in response to the rise of 'Hansonism', a plethora of 'joined-up' policy initiatives were undertaken in relation to the regional dimensions of poverty. We propose that these trends reflect in part new ways of thinking about the spatial aspects of disadvantage which have emerged in recent years and which have the potential to take regional policy beyond the narrow confines imposed by neoliberal economic orthodoxy. These new ways of thinking have arisen in social policy through the refraining of disadvantage in terms of social exclusion and in regional economic policy through the influence of the so-called 'new regionalism'. The article shows how together these bodies of theory point us towards a new model of 'associational governance'. The article reviews recent Queensland experience and indicates those features of 'associational governance' which have become characteristic of locality-based social policy ideas in Queensland. 'Joined-up' and regional policy aspirations of the Queensland State government have shown the influence of these new approaches. The political and policy sustainability of these trends, however, is uncertain. The lingering shadow of managerialism and neoliberal policy frameworks remains a significant barrier to the innovation and viability of these approaches. More directly, the inherent limits of the 'local' or 'regional' initiatives in the face of broader national and global factors will significantly constrain the capacity of associational governance systems to deliver positive democratic, social and economic outcomes. The article examines recent Queensland policy refors in light of this complex set of factors and concludes by offering directions for future research and policy development.

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In comments on G. MacDonald and M. R. Leary (2005), J. Panksepp (2005) argued for more emphasis on social pain mechanisms, whereas P. J. Corr (2005) argued for more emphasis on physical defense mechanisms. In response to the former, the authors clarify their positions on the topics of anger, the usefulness of rat models, the role of analgesic mechanisms, and basic motivational processes. In response to the latter, the authors clarify their positions on the topics of the relation of social exclusion to fear, the value of the pain affect construct, and the nature of the social pain experience. The authors conclude that consideration of the roles of both social pain and defense mechanisms is essential to best understand human response to social exclusion.

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In this study, we examined the relationship between transformational/transactional leadership perceptions and organizational identification and further explored the moderating role of individual difference variables, such as separateness-connectedness self-schema, and positive and negative affectivity. Data from 502 services employees indicated significant positive effects of transformational and transactional leadership perceptions on organizational identification. Regarding the moderating role of individual differences, our data showed that the positive relationship of transformational leadership and organizational identification was stronger for individuals of low positive affectivity as well as for employees of high negative affectivity. In addition, results indicated that transactional leadership had a stronger positive effect on organizational identification for individuals characterized by a connected self-schema. (c) 2005 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Colour changes in fiddler crabs have long been noted, but a functional interpretation is still lacking. Here we report that neighbouring populations of Uca vomeris in Australia exhibit different degrees of carapace colours, which range from dull mottled to brilliant blue and white. We determined the spectral characteristics of the mud substratum and of the carapace colours of U. vomeris and found that the mottled colours of crabs are cryptic against this background, while display colours provide strong colour contrast for both birds and crabs, but luminance contrast only for a crab visual system. We tested whether crab populations may become cryptic under the influence of bird predation by counting birds overflying or feeding on differently coloured colonies. Colonies with cryptically coloured crabs indeed experience a much higher level of bird presence, compared to colourful colonies. We show in addition that colourful crab individuals subjected to dummy bird predation do change their body colouration over a matter of days. The crabs thus appear to modify their social signalling system depending on their assessment of predation risk.

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The current global development project appears to be premised on the assumption that underlying political debates over development have been settled. An upshot of this is that development is reduced to the theoretical, ideological and legal framework of a neo-liberal political order. However, implicit, and sometimes explicit, political dynamics of development can be rendered from a perspective that foregrounds social struggles. I offer a political analysis of the PRSP initiative by examining its evolution and implications considered within social and political contexts, and by specific reference to the 'poverty reduction' interventions that emerged in the 1980s. I argue that the PRSP initiative is best understood as the formation of a comprehensive extension of neo-liberal strategic responses that emerged in the 1980s. In this context, I discuss the example of microcredit schemes in relation to the PRSP process and demonstrate the analytical significance of micro-political social relations for political analyses of development. The approach I adopt reveals social struggles as relationally constitutive of formations of a hegemonic development discourse otherwise ostensibly rendered in de-contextualized terms. From the perspective of critical development analysis such struggles are the concrete expressions of the contradictions immanent to the dialectic of development through inequality and immiseration in the (re)production of social power.

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The Post-Fordist welfare state thesis locates contemporary social welfare change within a wider analysis of the transformation of capitalist accumulation regimes. Whilst this analysis is useful in directing attention to macro socio-economic change, it has for the most part contained three shortcomings. First, the Post-Fordist thesis has overemphasized the role of historical 'breaks' in the development of social welfare as it purportedly passes from Fordism to Post-Fordism. Second, the thesis has assumed a degree of convergence between welfare states as a result of global economic forces. In doing so, it has underemphasized the mediating impact of existing institutional arrangements within nations. Third, the thesis has assumed, rather than demonstrated, the specific changes which are alleged to be taking place in various fields of social welfare. As a consequence, aspects of continuity in social welfare have been neglected. These three lacunae are addressed through a comparative analysis of developments in the personal social services in Australia and Britain. Services to older people are employed as the specific context of comparison in relation to three dimensions of measuring transformation along a Post-Fordist trajectory: a shift from a unitary economy to a mixed economy of service provision; changes in the model of service delivery and consumption; and strengthening the governance function of the central state. This comparative analysis suggests the need for refinement of the Post-Fordist welfare state thesis concerning the restructuring of social welfare and its impact on the personal social services.