Political corruption in the Caribbean Basin: A comparative analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica

Political corruption in the Caribbean Basin retards state economic growth and development, undermines government legitimacy, and threatens state security. In spite of recent anti-corruption efforts of intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations (IGO/NGOs), Caribbean political corruption problems appear to be worsening in the post-Cold War period. This dissertation discovers why IGO/NGO efforts to arrest corruption are failing by investigating the domestic and international causes of political corruption in the Caribbean. The dissertation's theoretical framework centers on an interdisciplinary model of the causes of political corruption built within the rule-oriented constructivist approach to social science. The model first employs a rational choice analysis that broadly explains the varying levels of political corruption found across the region. The constructivist theory of social rules is then used to develop the structural mechanisms that further explain the region's levels of political corruption. The dissertation advances its theory of the causes of political corruption through qualitative disciplined-configurative case studies of political corruption in Jamaica and Costa Rica. The dissertation finds that IGO/NGO sponsored anti-corruption programs are failing because they employ only technical measures (issuing anti-corruption laws and regulations, providing transparency in accounting procedures, improving freedom of the press, establishing electoral reforms, etc.). While these IGO/NGO technical measures are necessary, they are not sufficient to arrest the Caribbean's political corruption problems. This dissertation concludes that to be successful, IGO/NGO anti-corruption programs must also include social measures, e.g., building civil societies and modernizing political cultures, for there to be any hope of lowering political corruption levels and improving Caribbean social conditions. The dissertation also highlights the key role of Caribbean governing elite in constructing the political and economic structures that cause their states' political corruption problems. ^

Evaluating the impacts of Bolsa Escola programs on student performance in Brazil

Since the 1980s, governments and organizations have promoted cash transfers in education as a tool for motivating elementary aged children to attend school. Oftentimes, the monthly payments supplemented the income a child would be making in the labor market. In Brazil, where these Bolsa or grant programs were pioneered, there has been much success in removing children from harsh labor conditions and increasing enrollment rates among the poorest families. However, the capacity of Bolsa Escola programs to meet other objectives, such as impacting educational outcomes and reducing incidences of poverty, continues to be examined. As these programs continue to be adopted globally, funding millions of children and families, evidence that demonstrates such success becomes ever more imperative. This study, therefore, examined evidence to determine whether Bolsa Escola programs have a significant impact on the academic performance of beneficiaries in Brazil. ^ Through the course of three data collection phases, multiple data sources were used to demonstrate the academic performance of fourth and eighth grade Brazilian students who were eligible to participate in either an NGO or the federal cash transfer program. MANOVAs were conducted separately for fourth and eighth grade data to determine if significant differences existed between measures of academic performance of Bolsa and non-Bolsa students. In every case and for both grade levels, significant effects were found for participation. ^ The limited qualitative data collected did not support drawing conclusions. Thematic analysis of the limited interview data pointed to possible dependency on Bolsa monthly stipends, and reallocation of responsibilities in the home in cases where children shifted from being breadwinners to students. ^

Secondary stakeholders as agents of influence: Three essays on political risk, reputation, and multinational performance

Organizational researchers have recently taken an interest in the ways in which social movements, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and other secondary stakeholders attempt to influence corporate behavior. Scholars, however, have yet to carefully probe the link between secondary stakeholder legal action and target firm stock market performance. This is puzzling given the sharp rise in NGO-initiated civil lawsuits against corporations in recent years for alleged overseas human rights abuses and environmental misconduct. Furthermore, few studies have considered how such lawsuits impact a target firm’s intangible assets, namely its image and reputation. Structured in the form of three essays, this dissertation examined the antecedents and consequences of secondary stakeholder legal activism in both conceptual and empirical settings. ^ Essay One argued that conventional approaches to understanding political risk fail to account for the reputational risks to multinational enterprises (MNEs) posed by transnational networks of human rights NGOs employing litigation-based strategies. It offered a new framework for understanding this emerging challenge to multinational corporate activity. Essay Two empirically tested the relationship between the filing of human rights-related civil lawsuits and corporate stock market performance using an event study methodology and regression analysis. The statistical analysis performed showed that target firms experience a significant decline in share price upon filing and that both industry and nature of the lawsuit are significantly and negatively related to shareholder wealth. Essay Three drew upon social movement and social identity theories to develop and test a set of hypotheses on how secondary stakeholder groups select their targets for human rights-related civil lawsuits. The results of a logistic regression model offered support for the proposition that MNE targets are chosen based on both interest and identity factors. The results of these essays suggest that legal action initiated by secondary stakeholder groups is a new and salient threat to multinational business and that firms doing business in countries with weak political institutions should factor this into corporate planning and take steps to mitigate their exposure to such risks.^

Sustainable rural development through alternative economic networks: Redefining relations in the commodity chain for export vegetables in western Guatemala

The current research considers the capacity of a local organic food system for producer and consumer empowerment and sustainable development outcomes in western Guatemala. Many have argued that the forging of local agricultural networks linking farmers, consumers, and supporting institutions is an effective tool for challenging the negative economic, environmental, and sociopolitical impacts associated with industrial models of global food production. But does this work in the context of agrarian development in the developing world? Despite the fact that there is extensive literature concerning local food system formation in the global north, there remains a paucity of research covering how the principles of local food systems are being integrated into agricultural development projects in developing countries. My work critically examines claims to agricultural sustainability and actor empowerment in a local organic food system built around non-traditional agricultural crops in western Guatemala. Employing a mixed methods research design involving twenty months of participant observation, in-depth interviewing, surveying, and a self-administered questionnaire, the project evaluates the sustainability of this NGO-led development initiative and local food movement along several dimensions. Focusing on the unique economic and social networks of actors and institutions at each stage of the commodity chain, this research shows how the growth of an alternative food system continues to be shaped by context specific processes, politics, and structures of conventional food systems. Further, it shows how the specifics of context also produce new relationships of cooperation and power in the development process. Results indicate that structures surrounding agrarian development in the Guatemalan context give rise to a hybrid form of development that at the same time contests and reinforces conventional models of food production and consumption. Therefore, participation entails a host of compromises and tradeoffs that result in mixed successes and setbacks, as actors attempt to refashion conventional commodity chains through local food system formation.^

An Analysis of a Small Favela-Based Youth Organization

This research identifies the value of a community-run NGO (nongovermental organization) in its work to advocate for a more positive image of Rio’s favelas (urban slums). Basic interpretive inquiry is used to analyze interviews with the principle spokesperson for the organization. Recommendations for further research are made.

Organized labor and U.S. foreign policy: The Solidarity Center in historical context

During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative "process-tracing" detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of "top-down" NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

A relação entre desempenho e a forma legal das instituições de microcrédito

This work test the relationship of performance and legal form of microfinance institutions (MFI), in our work MFI can be banks, non-governmental organizations (NGO), cooperatives, non-banks financial institutions (NBFI) or rural banks. We use linear regression model, panel data and variables dummy for the legal forms. Our samples are 243 MFI from all continents, except North America, in the period from 2007 to 2012. We found that bigger MFI generates higher profit, higher returns and higher self-sufficiency rates, so the growing can be a way for consolidation of MFI. For smaller MFI a way can be assimilation or merging with other MFI. Cooperatives, non-bank financial institutions and rural banks can serve more customers, causing greater impact on society, and get higher returns. This suggests the most appropriate legal form for microfinance market can be cooperatives, non-banks financial institutions or rural banks balancing social orientation and profit orientation.

Entre elas: políticas públicas e cidadania de travestis e mulheres transexuais de uma ONG em Natal/RN

The core of this research it is anchored in the analysis of the relationship between experiences and experiences of transvestite and transsexual women and citizenship category in Natal. For this, we analyzed, at first, the unfolding instilled in acting from the agenda of a Non Governmental Organization of the city, the Atransparência. In a second, and more importantly, time, reflections of those actions were followed in the daily and transgender women in the city belonging to NGOs. Methodologically, work is characterized as a qualitative research, with ethnographic deployment, made possible through interviews with semi-structured questionnaires. The analysis of the collected material was possible from the discourse analysis (Foucault, 1996), as well as qualitative analysis (Caregnato and Mutti, 2006). Theoretically, it was done the exercise to think queer theory conciliated her with the prospect of criticism of eucorêntrismo of power and knowledge, with fundamental emphasis on the relationship between theoretical national queers - Bento (2014), Miscolci (2014), Pelúcio (2014 ) and Pereira (2012) - authors and descolonial such as Mignolo (2008) Quijano (2005).

Drivers of atmospheric methane uptake by montane forest soils in the southern Peruvian Andes

Acknowledgements. This study is a product of the Andes Biodiversity and Ecosystem Research Group consortium (http://www.andesconservation.org/). The authors would like to acknowledge the agencies that funded this research; the UK Natural Environment Research Council (NERC; joint grant references NE/G018278/1, NE/H006583, NE/H007849 and NE/H006753) and the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad; via a sub-contract to Yit Arn Teh managed by the Amazon Conservation Association). Patrick Meir was also supported by an Australian Research Council Fellowship (FT110100457). Javier Eduardo Silva Espejo, Walter Huaraca Huasco and the ABIDA NGO provided critical fieldwork and logistical support. Angus Calder, Michael Mcgibbon, Vicky Munro and Nick Morley provided invaluable laboratory support. Thanks to Adrian Tejedor and the Amazon Conservation Association (http://www.amazonconservation.org/), who provided assistance with access and plot selection at Hacienda Villa Carmen. This publication is a contribution from the Scottish Alliance for Geoscience, Environment and Society (http://www.sages.ac.uk). Edited by: E. Veldkamp

"On our way": identities and representations of African women seeking asylum in Ireland

This thesis provides the first explicit Postcolonial study of asylum in the Irish context that integrates Black Feminist analyses of intersectional identity with Postcolonial Feminist theories of representation. African women seeking asylum in the Republic of Ireland were key political instruments used by the state to re-draw racial lines. The study examines how, for a group of African women “On their Way” through asylum, identity and representation work hand in hand to force identities, subaltern spaces and bodies to occupy them. Rich biographical data is gathered through mixed art and drama methods over two intensive participatory research projects conducted in a small Irish city. Data analysis critically examines the poetics (practices that signify) and politics (the powers that govern these practices) and affective economies of global and local NGO visual representations, exposing how they consume, fragment, and appropriate African women’s identities and bodies. Though hypervisible, the women themselves “cannot speak”. The women in the study reported feeling “tired” and “used”. Asking “What work are they doing as they do asylum?” the study finds that black female identities and bodies are forced to perform political, cultural, emotional and material labour on their way through this context of Irish asylum. The author argues that Postcolonial Asylum is a performative encounter that re-scripts colonial race/class/gender discourse through a humanitarian alibi to naturalize European/white supremacy, reinscribe patriarchal power and justify racialised incarceration of bodies seeking asylum in the North. This study takes an interdisciplinary approach that centralizes Black and Postcolonial Feminist theory and innovates Participatory Art-Based Action methodology. Black and Postcolonial feminisms can recognize, theorize and replenish black female political and intellectual agency. Participatory Action research, if grounded in Black feminist epistemology and ethics, can allow participants to “speak back” to what is already said about them in spaces of convivial self-representation.

Transfert de connaissances et politiques publiques : le cas de la politique de gratuité des soins au Niger

Au Niger, le taux de mortalité maternelle est estimé à 535 décès pour 100 000 naissances vivantes (INS, 2013) et la probabilité pour un nouveau-né de mourir avant l’âge d’un mois est de 33 ‰. Depuis 2006, le Niger a mis en place une politique de gratuité des soins pour les femmes enceintes et les enfants de 0 à 5 ans, ce qui a contribué à une amélioration significative de la fréquentation des centres de santé. En mars 2012, un processus délibératif fut organisé pendant une conférence de trois jours pour échanger sur les acquis, limites et perspectives de cette nouvelle politique avec 160 participants dont des chercheurs, des humanitaires, des décideurs politiques et des intervenants sur le terrain. L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre les effets de cette conférence ainsi que d’explorer les activités du comité de suivi de la feuille de route. La recherche a été réalisée durant deux mois en été 2014 à Niamey et à N’guiguimi. Elle a reposé sur l’utilisation du cadre conceptuel de Boyko et al., (2012) qui permet de décrire les principales caractéristiques et les effets attendus des dialogues délibératifs et comprendre comment les dialogues délibératifs peuvent contribuer à l’élaboration de politiques sur la base de données probantes. Nous avons mis un accent particulier sur les trois formes d’utilisation des connaissances présentées par Dagenais et al., (2013) : instrumentale, conceptuelle et persuasive. Des entretiens semi-directifs ont été effectués avec 22 acteurs impliqués dans la mise en oeuvre des recommandations. Ils ont été enregistrés, retranscrits intégralement et traités avec le logiciel QDA Miner. Les résultats de l’analyse des discours recueillis révèlent une utilisation instrumentale des recommandations et plus visible chez les humanitaires que les décideurs et les acteurs de la société civile. Il ressort aussi de cette analyse une utilisation conceptuelle et persuasive des recommandations à un degré plus faible parmi tous les acteurs. Le comité de suivi de la feuille route de la conférence n’a pratiquement pas fonctionné, par conséquent, le processus n’a pas eu l’impact souhaité. Les principales raisons de cet échec sont liées au contexte de mise en oeuvre des recommandations (arrestation de plusieurs agents du ministère de la Santé publique qui sont des membres clés du comité de suivi à cause du détournement des fonds GAVI, manque de volonté technique et politique) et/ou aux conditions financières (absence de primes pour les membres du comité et de budget de fonctionnement.). Les iv résultats obtenus ont permis de comprendre les énormes défis (contextuels, financiers notamment) qui restent à relever en matière de transfert de connaissance dans le secteur de santé publique au Niger. En ce qui concerne la suite de la conférence, il faudrait accélérer la redynamisation du comité de suivi en le dotant d’un fonds de fonctionnement et en créant une agence autonome de gestion de la gratuité des soins; et renforcer le soutien politique autour de l’Initiative Santé Solidarité Sahel.

Cultural Politics of Resilience in Kingston, Jamaica

Recently, resilience has become a catchall solution for some of the world’s most pressing ecological, economic and social problems. This dissertation analyzes the cultural politics of resilience in Kingston, Jamaica by examining them through their purported universal principles of adaptation and flexibility. On the one hand, mainstream development regimes conceptualize resilience as a necessary and positive attribute of economies, societies and cultures if we are to survive any number of disasters or disturbances. Therefore, in Jamaican cultural and development policy resilience is championed as both a means and an end of development. On the other hand, critics of resilience see the new rollout of resilience projects as deepening neoliberalism, capitalism and new forms of governmentality because resilience projects provide the terrain for new forms of securitization and surveillance practices. These scholars argue that resilience often forecloses the possibilities to resist that which threatens us. However, rather than dismissing resilience as solely a sign of domination and governmentality, this dissertation argues that resilience must be understood as much more ambiguous and complex, rather than within binaries such as subversion vs. neoliberal and resistance vs. resilience. Overly simplistic dualities of this nature have been the dominant approach in the scholarship thus far. This dissertation provides a close analysis of resilience in both multilateral and Jamaican government policy documents, while exploring the historical and contemporary production of resilience in the lives of marginalized populations. Through three sites within Kingston, Jamaica—namely dancehall and street dances, WMW-Jamaica and the activist platform SO((U))L HQ—this dissertation demonstrates that “resilience” is best understood as an ambiguous site of power negotiations, social reproduction and survival in Jamaica today. It is often precisely this ambiguous power of ordinary resilience that is capitalized on and exploited to the detriment of vulnerable groups. At once demonstrating creative negotiation and reproduction of colonial capitalist social relations within the realms of NGO, activist work and cultural production, this dissertation demonstrates the complexity of resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation draws attention to the importance of studying spaces of cultural production in order to understand the power and limits of contemporary policy discourses and political economy. 

Energizing the Oak Ridges Moraine? Analyzing the Policy Implications of Three Wind Energy Developments on the Oak Ridges Moraine and their Potential Impact on the Coordinated Land Use Planning Review through the Involvement of First Nations and Environmental Non-governmental Organizations

This research explores the policy implications of the approval of three wind energy projects on the Oak Ridges Moraine, and their impact on the Coordinated Land Use Planning Review process. Specifically, it focuses on the involvement of First Nations and environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs). This research was conducted through analyzing submissions to the Coordinated Land Use Planning Review, related legislation and policy, Environmental Review Tribunal hearing documents, and interviews with key informants. This research culminates in a number of recommendations to the Coordinated Review informed by the analysis.

The Buksh Museum of Hobby-Craft

This article describes the last of three architecture projects carried out over two years’ PhD research in the Indian city of Agra, completed in 2014. The projects aimed to expose ways that residents in the city’s historical Tajganj neighbourhoods had, over four centuries, constructed an urban topography that was meaningful to them. The final project the Buksh Museum of Hobby-Craft explored ways in which re-establishing a civic role for one building could enable those involved to reimagine the potential of this neglected urban district. This was done through assembling temporary additions to a ruined building.

The project was carried out with a local non-governmental organisation (NGO) and ran parallel to an urban regeneration scheme for Tajganj with which this NGO was involved. Several groups with different urban specialisms were involved in this scheme and were committed to fielding their own set of objectives within it: often these goals conflicted. The research project, isolated from these objectives, allowed participants to engage with the conflicting value sets in play, and explore ways of mediating between them without compromising any groups’ role in the regeneration scheme itself.