813 resultados para Medical care.


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Introducción: El ingreso en UCI dificulta significativamente la interrelación familia-paciente. El aislamiento del paciente tiene repercusiones para todo su entorno e influye también en la relación con el personal sanitario. El aumento de la ansiedad dentro de la estructura UCI genera en este microsistema social una situación compleja en la que el equipo sanitario, el paciente y su familia deben manejarse. Se ha producido una reflexión significativa en relación con las políticas de gestión UCI-paciente-familia que ha permitido sugerir cambios de enfoque en la organización hospitalaria de los cuidados intensivos. Sin embargo, no se ha conseguido definir el modo en que la implementación de esos cambios puede articularse y se alerta recurrentemente sobre la ausencia de soluciones prácticas que ayuden a impulsar su introducción. Material y métodos: El proyecto MELIADE parte del análisis sociosistémico de este contexto mediante la aplicación de las metodologías de investigación de la Teoría Fundamentada y profundiza en el estudio de las variables que afectan a este complejo proceso relacional para comprender el porqué de la dificultad de introducir los cambios propuestos hasta el momento por los teóricos e identificar alternativas que los promuevan limitando el conflicto interno. Resultados: Como resultado, se sugieren nuevas alternativas basadas en las tecnologías avanzadas de la comunicación que permitan mejorar la percepción de la calidad asistencial para, superando las actuales dificultades, contribuir a rebajar la tensión de este entorno. El sistema MELIADE de comunicación familia-paciente cuenta ya con su primera versión software y sus características se presentan en este artículo.

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Account books listing patients, medicines administered, and fees charged by Dr. Thomas Cradock (1752-1821), primarily in Maryland, from 1786 to 1818. In addition to recording names, Cradock occasionally noted demographic information, the patient's location, or their occupation: from 1813 to 1816, he treated Richard Gent, a free African-American man; in 1813, he attended to John Bell, who lived in the Foggy Bottom neighborhood of Washington, D.C. Cradock further noted if the patient was a slave and the name of his or her owner. He would also administer care on behalf of corporate entities, such as Powhatan Factory, which apparently refused him payment. He also sometimes included a diagnosis: in the cases of a Mr. Rowles and Mrs. Violet West, he administered unspecified medicines for gonorrhea at a cost of ten dollars. Commonly prescribed drugs included emetics, cathartics, and anodynes. Cradock also provided smallpox vaccination for his patients. He accepted both cash and payment-in-kind. Tipped into the first volume is an envelope containing a letter from the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland to Mrs. Thomas Craddock in 1899 requesting a loan of portrait of Dr. Thomas Craddock [sic]. The three volumes also each contain an index to patient names.

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Two account books containing entries noting patients visited, fees charged, and small accounts of Dr. William Aspinwall (1743-1823) in Boston and Brookline, Massachusetts, from 1776 to 1812. He includes sections for "Women's Accounts" with charges generally rendered to their husbands or other male relatives. There is also an entry charging the town of Cambridge, Massachusetts, four dollars and fifty cents for medicines and attendance to a boy who contracted smallpox.

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Ledger kept by Dr. Job Godfrey (1742-1813) of Taunton, Massachusetts, containing records of patients, medical services rendered, and fees charged between 1791 and 1797, which were updated with payment transactions through 1809. There are also notes on Godfrey's medical practice dated from 1787, including an entry on a nine-year-old girl he dissected after her death. There are additionally credits or debits listed for household transactions.

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Account book maintained by Dr. Daniel Brigham (1760-1830) for services provided to approximately 180 patients, treated primarily in Northborough, Westborough, and Marlborough, Massachusetts, and surrounding towns between 1781 and 1798. The ledger details the charges for his visits to patients and medicines he prescribed. Common charges included one shilling, four pence for Brigham to visit and administer an emetic or cathartic to a patient. A visit and bloodletting by Brigham cost one patient two shillings, eight pence. He charged six shillings to amputate a toe, and eight pence to extract a tooth. Includes an index to patient names. The ledger also records household and miscellaneous expenses of Brigham.

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Contains notes taken by Harvard student Lyman Spalding from lectures delivered by Hersey Professor of the Theory and Practice of Physic Benjamin Waterhouse (1754-1846) in 1795. The notes cover the history of medicine, theories of contemporary physicians like Herman Boerhaave, William Cullen, and John Brown, and topics like fetal growth, digestion, and circulation. The volume also contains six pages of patient case notes from Spalding’s medical practice in Walpole, New Hampshire, in 1799, which detail the patients’ symptoms and course of treatment he pursued. In the case of a young man who complained of pain in his breast following a wrestling match, Spalding bled him and prescribed a cathartic of soap and aloes. Spalding also operated on a man who cut off part of his ankle with an ax.

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Consists of seven account books kept by Dr. Sylvester Woodbridge (1754-1824) from 1792 until his death containing entries that record charges for medical visits and administration of medicines, and sales of sundry and grocery items, as well as occasional personal notes and the names of Woodbridge's apprentices and their participation in his Southampton, Massachusetts, medical practice. Woodbridge's methods of treatment were typical for the era: he most commonly prescribed vomits and purgatives for patients. Volume 6 contains loose pages and letterbooks tucked in related to accounting and to the amount and type of wood Woodbridge was buying for his house, and papers dated after his death.

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Ledger maintained by Dr. Daniel Brigham (1760-1837) containing financial accounts for medical patients treated primarily in Northborough, Westborough, and Marlborough, Massachusetts from 1789 to 1837. The ledger details the charges for medical services and the corresponding payments, often made by payment-in-kind. Common charges included a shilling for a visit and administration of cathartics, emetics, or anodynes. Extraction of a tooth cost eight pence, and Brigham charged one woman nine shillings for delivering her son. A number of entries are obscured by pasted-in newspaper articles.

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Account book kept by Dr. David Townsend (1753-1829) that records patients treated, illnesses, and fees charged in Boston, Massachusetts, and neighboring towns from 1774 to 1791. His patients included a number of soldiers and sailors, as well as figures like the French-American writer John Hector St. John (1735-1813). Townsend's treatments typically consisted of delivering cathartics or emetics. For the family of Samuel Appleton, Townsend administered smallpox inoculation in 1776, charging him 4 pounds, 4 shillings. Townsend sometimes recorded the occupation or race of the patient. For example, he attended the delivery of a child of Sappho Henshaw, "black girl," in 1786; in 1787 he attended to an unnamed "black man at [who lived at the] corner of Board Alley" in the North End of Boston. Other patients included John Hancock (1736-1793) and members of Hancock's household, as well as Federalist publisher John Fenno (1751-1798).

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Contains instructions for preparing and administering medicine for adults and children, and generalized uses for certain ingredients, written by Dr. Francis Kittredge. Preparations include ointment for scurvy, bone ointment, nerve ointments, procedures to soothe a sore mouth and to stop excessive bleeding, and treatment to kill worms. The materials used to prepare bone ointment include fresh butter, hog fat, chamomile, garlic, and night shade, among other ingredients. The recipe for “simple nerve ointment” instructs the preparer to simmer half a pint of neet foot oil, a pint of rum, and one jell of oil of turpentine over a “gentle fire.” Kittredge writes that oil of St. John’s Wort is effective in treating swelling of the legs, for cold and aches, and for burning and scalds, while oil of Elderflower is indicated for belly aches. The manuscript is housed in a binding created by the Harvard Medical School library. Tipped into the binding is one letter from Frederick O. West, M.D., Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts, that accompanied his donation of the Kittredge receipt book to the library in 1919. There is also one letter of unknown provenance enclosed with the receipt book, which contains an inventory of the estate of Antipas Brigham, of Grafton, Massachusetts, signed by Worcester County Judge Joseph Wilder on 7 November 1749. It is unclear if this letter has any connection to Frederick O. West or Francis Kittredge.

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Ledger containing lists and charts of smallpox inoculation cases and patient case histories of Boston physician John Jeffries (1745-1819), recorded from November 1775 to June 1802. Descriptions include patients’ names, ages, and physical condition, method of inoculation and symptoms. The entries dated 1800-1802 are not in chronological order.

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Contains medical cases copied by James Lloyd (1728-1810), primarily between 1751 and 1754, from Mr. Steed, an apothecary at Guy's Hospital in London, England. The volume has additional medical cases dating from 1780 to 1787. Lloyd transcribed the names, ages, and symptoms of the patients, as well as the medicines and medical care delivered to them. The volume is divided into chapters based on the type of case, which included vision loss; fluor albus, or leucorrhoea; diabetes; and dysentery. There is also a letter pasted into the volume addressed to Dr. Brigham of the Boston Medical Library Association from Lloyd's great-grandson, dated 4 November 1887.

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Trabalho Final do Curso de Mestrado Integrado em Medicina, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

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Introduction. It is quite uncommon to associate migration with the rules on services trade. Indeed, all economic definitions of services insist on their immaterial nature and on the increased possibility of trading them ‘virtually’ over networks or else, without any physical movement of the parties involved. Somehow this ‘immaterial’ nature of services reflects on their providers/recipients which seem to be ‘invisible’. Even though most services still require the physical contact of the provider with the recipient1 and, when provided over national borders, do entail migration, service providers and/or recipients are rarely thought of as ‘immigrants’. This may be due to the fact that they enter the foreign territory with a specific aim and, once this aim accomplished, move back to their state of origin; technically they only qualify as short term non-cyclical migrants and are of little interest to policy-makers. A second reason may be that both service providers and recipients are economically desirable: the former are typically highly skilled and trained professionals and the latter are well-off ‘visitors’, increasing consumption in the host state. The legal definition of services in Article 57 TFEU (ex Art. 50 EC) further nourishes this idea about service providers/recipients not being migrants: the relevant Treaty rules only apply when the provisions on free movement of workers and freedom of establishment – themselves clearly linked to migration – do not apply. This distinction has been fleshed up by the ECJ which has consistently held that the distinction between the rules on establishment, on the one hand, and the rules on services, on the other, lies on duration.2 Indeed, all EC manuals state four types of service provision falling under the EC Treaty: a) where the service provider moves to the recipient’s state, for a short period of time (longer stay would amount to establishment), b) where the service recipients themselves move to the state where the service is offered (eg for medical care, education, tourism etc), c) where both service providers and recipients move together in another member state (eg a tourist guide accompanying a group travelling abroad) and d) where the service itself is provided across the borders (typically through the use of ICTs). None of these situations would typically qualify as migration. The above ‘dissociation’ between services and migration has been gradually weakened in the recent years. Indeed, migration is increasingly connected to the transnational provision of services. This is the result of three kinds of factors: developments in the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) case law; legislative initiatives in the EU; and the GATS. Each one of these is considered in some detail below. The aim of the analysis which follows is to show the extent to which (legislative and judicial) policies aimed at the free provision of services actively affect migration conditions within the EU. The EC rules on the provision of services primarily affect the movement of EU nationals. As it will be shown below, however, third country nationals (TCNs) may also claim the benefits of the rules on services, either as recipients thereof or as employees of some EC undertaking which is providing services in another member state (posted workers).

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Une femme à risque d’un accouchement prématuré vit un enjeu de santé très éprouvant et stressant ; elle sera souvent hospitalisée pour recevoir des traitements médicaux visant à prolonger la grossesse et améliorer le pronostic du bébé. Dans ce contexte, une consultation avec un néonatalogiste est demandée. Plusieurs associations professionnelles médicales ont émis des lignes directrices sur cette consultation, insistant sur le besoin d’informer les parents au sujet des complications potentielles de la prématurité pour leur enfant. Ces recommandations s’inspirent du point de vue médical, et très peu d’études ont examiné la perspective, les attentes et les besoins des parents à risque d’un accouchement prématuré. Ce projet de thèse a pour objectif de proposer un modèle de relation médecin-patient informé de la perspective maternelle de la consultation anténatale, pour développer une approche clinique répondant à leurs besoins. Afin d’examiner cette problématique de façon complète, un travail constant de va-et-vient a été effectué entre la recension de données empiriques et une réflexion normative bioéthique féministe. Un projet de recherche empirique a d’abord permis d’explorer les attentes et le vécu de ces femmes. Les participantes espéraient recevoir plus que de l’information sur les complications de la prématurité. Elles souhaitaient que le néonatologiste soit attentif à leur situation particulière et qu’il développe une relation de confiance avec elles, leur permettant d’explorer leurs futurs rôles de mères et les encourageant à formuler leurs propres questions. Le cadre théorique féministe d’autonomie relationnelle a ensuite permis de proposer une approche de soin qui sache répondre aux besoins identifiés par les patientes, tout en adressant des enjeux de pouvoir intrinsèques à la clinique, qui influencent la santé et l’autonomie de ces femmes. Cette approche insiste sur l’importance de la relation de soin en clinique, contrastant avec un modèle encourageant une vision réductrice de l’autonomie, dans laquelle un simple transfert de données scientifiques serait équivalent au respect de la norme médicolégale du consentement éclairé. Ce modèle relationnel propose des actions concrètes et pratiques, encourageant les cliniciens à entrer en relation avec chaque patiente et à considérer l’influence qu’ils exercent sur l’autonomie relationnelle de leurs patientes.