968 resultados para Feministe social movements
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC
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The hypothesis guiding this work is that the student movement of 1968, inserted into a scene of great social movements contrary to the present political system, showed great expression in its demonstrations even considering the fact that in a dictatorship there was significant intolerance of divergent views to the military regime, which, of the student movement of 2008, inserted into a scene of mobilizations contrary to the educational system and the corruption that permeated it. The aim of this study is to investigate the myths that permeate the image of students, through a comparison between the Brazilian student movement, highlighting the students at the University of Brasilia from 1968 to 2008, with the specific objective of analyzing if the student movement lost strength of mobilizing in support of their fight flags. The question may be answered from the youth of the 1960s characterized by revolutionary, in which the possible advances and retreats performed in 40 years of history of the student movement, which seems to have lost its revolutionary feature
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This study aimed to analyze the process of developing and implementing a politicalpedagogical project for rural schools in the city of Araraquara, focusing on one of the schools served. This is an ethnographic qualitative study. The instruments of data collection were participant observation, semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. It was observed are a change in the community organization throughout the process, with regard to a more active attitude on the part of its members, who have pursued other means to claim the fulfillment of their demands by the Government and relevant institutions, which points to the pedagogical character of participation in the movement to fight for the education they desire. It was also noticed a process of re-signification by the subjects, of their own community identity while seated in an agrarian reform project, as well as a more effective participation of those in everyday life and school organization. It was also observed changes in indicators of school, with an increase in the achievement of students as well as reducing the dropout rate to zero, and the reduction of absenteeism of teachers.
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The education of children and youth in the rural areas, with the social movements of struggle for land, returns to a place of relevance and is repositioned on the political agenda. This study aims to analyze the process of development and implementation of a pilot project of schools in the rural area of the city of Araraquara, focusing on the subjects’ perception of the region. We adopted a qualitative ethnographic approach, with the following instruments of data collection: participant observation and semi-structured interviews. It was found that the project which was built through a process of struggle of a community in an adversarial relationship with the municipal government, which itself is struggling in an exercise of cultural emancipation and the construction of citizenship. Thus it finds itself in a habit of cultural resistance and in areas that has its effects on representation and social transformation within the community. Notwithstanding, those who participated in the process of the struggle and implementation have been transformed along the way, salvaging their self-esteem, history and a sense of belonging to a community.
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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.
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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.
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From the organization of social movements in the late 1960s to the institutionalization of participatory politics in the Brazilian Federal Constitution in 1998 , the research agenda on participatory institutions in Brazil was not only consolidated in the academic setting as been growing and diversifying in the past decades. The main objective of this paper is to put the most recent literature of policy process applied to studies of participatory institutions. This paper assumes that the public policy are multidisciplinary epistemological field of knowledge. Thus, it is through the explanation of some of his theories and models of the policy process analysis that we aims to show new perspectives for the research agenda on participatory institutions.
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The presidency of Evo Morales, indigenous leader and who heads the party Movement Towards Socialism (MAS), opens a series of transformations in several dimensions. The changes in socio-economic and political power express the critic of long-term coloniality relations between a dominant white elite and an indigenous subordinate majority that deepens after national independence. Following this perspective, present in sectors of support to the government, the strategy of the MAS cannot follow the tradition of social revolutions that operated structural breaks in the mode of production and the state organization, but points to a new decolonizing revolution, cultural and political, articulating an indigenism of broad nature, flexible and open to popular social movements. This view is facing critics in sectors of the left that identify the renewal of capitalist modernization process initiated in 1952 under the leadership of the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (MNR), extending citizenship and democratizing access to the state for recognition of Indians as such. From this perspective, the transformations proposed by MAS tend to favor a system restoration by diversifying its economic and social base. From the contrast provided by these two lines of interpretation, we intend to analyze the structural possibilities of the strategy of the government of Evo Morales, taking as historical reference the transformations wrought by the nationalist revolution of 1952 and the neoliberal reforms initiated in 1980.
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Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Educação - IBRC
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Pós-graduação em Economia - FCLAR
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This study proposes some thinking under a different perspective about the Event Organization Activity. As a directed communication instrument, Events are planned actions, aiming at gathering people with common objectives, for a specific goal, usually under the view of organizations. In this study, some questioning on the relevance of Events at the social movement context is proposed, as they organize themselves through these actions in order to claim and pressure the Government for citizenship rights.
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The Participatório: Observatório Participativo da Juventude (Participatory: Observatory on the Youth Participation) is an online platform created in August 2013 as part of the response of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Republic of Brazil to the protests which took Brazilian streets in the middle of that year. This paper analyses the Participatório against the theoretical context brought by studies of digital activism and social movements. We revise relevant theories and present results of an empirical study indicating parameters to assess whether the apparent goals of the platform would have been reached. The data suggest that the initiative could achieve its purposes as long as it secures the efficacy of future improvements.