866 resultados para F53 - International Agreements and Observance


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Over the past 15 years, the number of international development projects aimed at combating global poverty has increased significantly. Within the water and sanitation sector however, and despite heightened global attention and an increase in the number of infrastructure projects, over 800 million people remain without access to appropriate water and sanitation facilities. The majority of donor aid in the water supply and sanitation sector of developing countries is delivered through standalone projects. The quality of projects at the design and preparation stage is a critical determinant in meeting project objectives. The quality of projects at early stage of design, widely referred to as quality at entry (QAE), however remains unquantified and largely subjective. This research argues that water and sanitation infrastructure projects in the developing world tend to be designed in the absence of a specific set of actions that ensure high QAE, and consequently have relatively high rates of failure. This research analyzes 32 cases of water and sanitation infrastructure projects implemented with partial or full World Bank financing globally from 2000 – 2010. The research uses categorical data analysis, regression analysis and descriptive analysis to examine perceived linkages between project QAE and project development outcomes and determines which upstream project design factors are likely to impact the QAE of international development projects in water supply and sanitation. The research proposes a number of specific design stage actions that can be incorporated into the formal review process of water and sanitation projects financed by the World Bank or other international development partners.

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Why do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in politics and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of 'acute' international crises rather than its 'chronic' threat environment. Major international crises lead to professionalization and de-politicization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. International crises underscore the need for the military to defend the state and highlight military deficiencies in this regard. Accordingly, major international crises lead to military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years, and decades, later due to generational shifts in the officer corps. As the "Crisis Generation" of officers become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and de-politicization. They guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964-2008 and find strong support for the theory. Major international crises lead to two waves of military withdrawal from government, years apart. Further statistical analysis finds that this effect is most strongly felt in the non-security areas of governing, while in some cases, international crises may lead to militaries increasing their involvement in security policy-making. Further, international crises that end poorly for a state — i.e., defeats or stalemates — are found to drive more rapid waves of military withdrawal from government. The statistical analysis is supported by a case illustration of civil-military relations in the People's Republic of China, which demonstrates that the crisis of the Korean War (1950-53) led to two waves of military professionalization and de-politicization, decades apart. The first occurred immediately after the war. The second wave, occurring in the 1980s, involved wholesale military withdrawal from governing bodies, which was made possible by the ascent of the "Crisis Generation" of officers in the military, who had served as junior officers in the Korean War, decades prior.

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BACKGROUND The uncontrolled presence of African swine fever (ASF) in Russian Federation (RF) poses a serious risk to the whole European Union (EU) pig industry. Although trade of pigs and their products is banned since the official notification in June 2007, the potential introduction of ASF virus (ASFV) may occur by other routes, which are very frequent in ASF, and more difficult to control, such as contaminated waste or infected vehicles. This study was intended to estimate the risk of ASFV introduction into the EU through three types of transport routes: returning trucks, waste from international ships and waste from international planes, which will be referred here as transport-associated routes (TAR). Since no detailed and official information was available for these routes, a semi-quantitative model based on the weighted combination of risk factors was developed to estimate the risk of ASFV introduction by TAR. Relative weights for combination of different risk factors as well as validation of the model results were obtained by an expert opinion elicitation. RESULTS Model results indicate that the relative risk for ASFV introduction through TAR in most of the EU countries (16) is low, although some countries, specifically Poland and Lithuania, concentrate high levels of risk, the returning trucks route being the analyzed TAR that currently poses the highest risk for ASFV introduction into the EU. The spatial distribution of the risk of ASFV introduction varies importantly between the analyzed introduction routes. Results also highlight the need to increase the awareness and precautions for ASF prevention, particularly ensuring truck disinfection, to minimize the potential risk of entrance into the EU. CONCLUSIONS This study presents the first assessment of ASF introduction into the EU through TAR. The innovative model developed here could be used in data scarce situations for estimating the relative risk associated to each EU country. This simple methodology provides a rapid and easy to interpret results on risk that may be used for a target and cost-effective allocation of resources to prevent disease introduction.

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International Relations theory would predict that central governments, with their considerable material resources, would be unlikely to face a challenge from a substate government. However, substate governments, and particularly Indigenous governments, are pushing back against central government control in both domestic and international spheres. Indigenous governments are leveraging their local mining sectors to realize their interests and express local identities—interests and identities that may not be congruent with those of the central government. Applying the case study of the resource extraction sector in Canada, this thesis asks: under what conditions are substate governments able to challenge the authority of central governments in the international arena? Canada’s reliance on the global extractive resource sector is a major driver of its international policy preferences, but the increased engagement of Indigenous governments in the sector challenges the control of the federal government. Focusing on the resource extraction sectors in British Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Ontario, this thesis argues that there is a mutually reinforcing relationship between Indigenous governments’ international engagement and their domestic autonomy; both challenge the parameters of state authority. Both force the state to respond to claims of control from multiple sites and to clarify convoluted policy environments. A confluence of factors—including increased Indigenous connections to the globalized economy, new Canadian regulatory frameworks, and recent Supreme Court of Canada cases regarding Indigenous lands—have all altered the space in which Indigenous governments in Canada participate in the resource extraction sector and produce overlapping or multilevel governance structures. This thesis demonstrates that Indigenous international engagement entrenches the authority and political legitimacy manifest in Indigenous governments’ insistence on equitable and horizontal negotiations in Canada’s lucrative resource extraction sector. A cumulative process occurs in which domestic and international expressions of political autonomy reinforce each other, produce further opportunities to express authority in both environments, and trouble the state’s capacity to fully realize its international policy preferences.

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In this thesis we address the paradigms and inconsistencies involving crisis kidnappings and hostage-taking. This work particularly focuses on foreign hostages seized by terrorists and guerrilla movements. It highlights major global events that have contributed to the collective awareness of the phenomenon and the evolution of international agreements and protocols. We focus on the episodes involving Portugal or Portuguese abroad, particularly on the kidnapping of Portuguese in the Cabinda enclave. It also deals with the problems associated with the payment of ransoms, the increasing involvement of private agents in addressing these crises, and incongruities in the motivations of the kidnappers.

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O esgotamento das reservas de energia fóssil e o processo de mudanças climáticas causadas pelas emissões de GEEs posicionaram os biocombustíveis como a principal fonte alternativa de energia renovável disponível para uso em transportes no curto e médio prazos. Contudo, a presença de externalidades e assimetrias de informação dificultam a verificação da sustentabilidade neste setor. Assim, a emergência do mercado internacional de biocombustíveis mostra-se condicionada pela construção de instituições que garantam a sustentabilidade da produção e consumo desses produtos. O processo de construção das instituições de governança socioambiental é afetado por fatores de ordem técnica, política e institucional. Apoiado em aportes teóricos do institucionalismo econômico e sociológico, o presente estudo buscou analisar que elementos afetam este processo considerando a trajetória de mercados já estabelecidos que apresentam caraterísticas análogas ao setor de biocombustíveis (alimentos orgânicos e produtos florestais). A forma como legislações nacionais, acordos internacionais e sistemas de certificação privada se desenvolveram e interagiram nesses setores apresenta aderência com o processo de construção do mercado de biocombustíveis observado até o momento. Dentre os resultados encontrados, observa-se tendência à convergência entre padrões de sustentabilidade em diferentes legislações nacionais e sistemas de certificação privados devido às externalidades de rede que conferem maior valor a padrões adotados por uma gama mais ampla de usuários. A União Europeia desponta como o principal formador de padrões de sustentabilidade, dado seu perfil importador e o estabelecimento de critérios mais amplos nas legislações dos Estados Membros, geralmente implementada via integração de mecanismos de governança públicos e privados (meta-standards). Apesar do expressivo potencial de consumo, os EUA apresentam menor influência nesse processo devido a considerável capacidade de produção doméstica e a priorização de elementos estratégicos (segurança energética e desenvolvimento rural) no desenho de suas políticas de sustentabilidade para combustíveis de biomassa. Na esfera privada, o desenvolvimento de sistemas de certificação apresenta-se condicionado por elementos técnicos, como a eficiência em cobrir critérios relevantes e os custos incorridos neste processo; e políticos, relacionados à capacidade de legitimição dos atores envolvidos em cada um destes programas de certificação. Também se observa que caraterísticas tecnológicas e organizacionais das cadeias de produção de biocombustíveis afetam a expansão de sistemas de certificação, condicionando tanto os custos para o estabelecimento da cadeia de custódia como a capacidade de coordenação de ações setoriais visando a adoção de práticas sustentáveis que facilitem a obtenção da certificação. Essa relação fica evidente em novas nações que buscam estabelecer um setor bioenergético e enfrentam dificuldades em integrar a agricultura familiar à modelos de produção que respeitem critérios socioambientais vigentes no mercado internacional. A pesquisa revelou a necessidade de um entendimento mais aprofundado da interconexão de novas rotas tecnológicas e atores adentrando no mercado internacional de biocombustíveis. A compreensão dos riscos e potencialidades de novas formas de interação pública e privada na governança socioambiental apresenta-se como um campo prolífico para futuros estudos neste setor e em outros em que atributos ambientais se mostrem relevantes.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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This paper extends the standard model of self-enforcing dynamic international environmental agreements by allowing the length of the period of commitment of such agreements to vary as a parameter. It analyzes the pattern of behavior of the size of stable coalitions, the stock of pollutant and the emission rate as a function of the length of the period of commitment. It is shown that the length of the period of commitment can have very significant effects on the equilibrium. Three distinct intervals for the length of the period of commitment are identified, across which the equilibrium and its dynamic behavior differ considerably. Whereas for sufficiently high values of the period of commitment only self-enforcing agreements of two countries are possible, for sufficiently low such values full cooperation can be generated. Lengths of periods of commitment between those two thresholds are characterized by an inverse relationship between the length of commitment and the membership size of the agreement. This suggests that considerable attention should be given to the determination of the length of such international agreements.

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In response to developments in international trade and an increased focus on international transfer-pricing issues, Canada’s minister of finance announced in the 1997 budget that the Department of Finance would undertake a review of the transfer-pricing provisions in the Income Tax Act. On September 11, 1997, the Department of Finance released draft transfer-pricing legislation and Revenue Canada released revised draft Information Circular 87-2R. The legislation was subsequently amended and included in Bill C-28, which received first reading on December 10, 1997. The new rules are intended to update Canada’s international transfer-pricing practices. In particular, they attempt to harmonize the standards in the Income Tax Act with the arm’s-length principle established in the OECD’s transfer pricing guidelines. The new rules also set out contemporaneous documentation requirements in respect of cross-border related-party transactions, facilitate administration of the law by Revenue Canada, and provide for a penalty where transfer prices do not comply with the arm’s-length principle. The Australian tax authorities have similarly reviewed and updated their transfer-pricing practices. Since 1992, the Australian commissioner of taxation has issued three rulings and seven draft rulings directly relating to international transfer pricing. These rulings outline the selection and application of transfer pricing methodologies, documentation requirements, and penalties for non-compliance. The Australian Taxation Office supports the use of advance pricing agreements (APAs) and has expanded its audit strategy by conducting transfer-pricing risk assessment reviews. This article presents a detailed review of Australia’s transfer-pricing policy and practices, which address essentially the same concerns as those at which the new Canadian rules are directed. This review provides a framework for comparison of the approaches adopted in the two jurisdictions. The author concludes that although these approaches differ in some respects, ultimately they produce a similar result. Both regimes set a clear standard to be met by multinational enterprises in establishing transfer prices. Both provide for audits and penalties in the event of noncompliance. And both offer the alternative of an APA as a means of avoiding transfer-pricing disputes with Australian and Canadian tax authorities.

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Developed countries, led by the EU and the US, have consistently called for ‘deeper integration’ over the course of the past three decades i.e., the convergence of ‘behind-the-border’ or domestic polices and rules such as services, competition, public procurement, intellectual property (“IP”) and so forth. Following the collapse of the Doha Development Round, the EU and the US have pursued this push for deeper integration by entering into deep and comprehensive free trade agreements (“DCFTAs”) that are comprehensive insofar as they are not limited to tariffs but extend to regulatory trade barriers. More recently, the EU and the US launched negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (“TTIP”) and a Trade in Services Agreement (“TISA”), which put tackling barriers resulting from divergences in domestic regulation in the area of services at the very top of the agenda. Should these agreements come to pass, they may well set the template for the rules of international trade and define the core features of domestic services market regulation. This article examines the regulatory disciplines in the area of services included in existing EU and US DCFTAs from a comparative perspective in order to delineate possible similarities and divergences and assess the extent to which these DCFTAs can shed some light into the possible outcome and limitations of future trade negotiations in services. It also discusses the potential impact of such negotiations on developing countries and, more generally, on the multilateral process.

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The article sets out the concept of a State-to-State human transfer agreement of which extradition and deportation are specialised forms. Asylum sharing agreements are other variations which the article explores in more detail. Human transfer agreements always affect at least the right to liberty and the freedom of movement, but other rights will also be at issue to some extent. The article shows how human rights obligations limit State discretion in asylum sharing agreements and considers how past and present asylum sharing arrangements in Europe and North America deal with these limits, if at all. The article suggests changes in the way asylum sharing agreements are drafted: for example, providing for a treaty committee would allow existing agreements to better conform to international human rights instruments and would facilitate State compliance to their human rights obligations.

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How to deal with the impacts of the exchange rate on the trade balance of Brazil? There is not a single answer to such question. In order to find out some legal approaches for this matter, this paper aims to describe and analyze the role of the IMF, WTO and the governments of Brazil and the United States on the currency misalignments, especially the extraterritorial effects of such misalignment on the Brazil’s bilateral trade with the United States. The article concludes that the Currency Swap Agreements and other bilateral solutions may minimize the distortions that the Brazilian balance of payment against the USA is carrying, due to the lack of legal solutions for the problem of the exchange rate misalignments that Brazil is facing.

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Incluye Bibliografía