491 resultados para Doha


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Includes bibliography

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This document provides an overview of the most relevant developments in United States trade policy relating to Latin America and the Caribbean in 2002. U.S. policy continued to promote trade liberalization through advancing negotiations on multiple fronts- globally (WTO), regionally (FTAA) and bilaterally or sub regionally- with a view that the various negotiations are mutually reinforcing and seek to create a constructive competition for liberalization" among trade partners. The passage of Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) included in the Trade Act of August 2002 enhanced the U.S. Administration's ability to negotiate trade agreements. It provided an impetus to conclude bilateral negotiations with Chile as well as to advance a number of trade agreements currently under negotiation, including negotiations toward the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and bilateral negotiations with Central America. The Trade Act also renewed the Generalized System of Preferences, extended the Caribbean Trade Partnership Act by liberalizing apparel provisions and augmented the Andean Trade Preference Act, increasing the list of duty free products. On the multilateral front, in partial fulfillment of the Doha mandate, the U.S. tabled in 2002 two comprehensive proposals for the reduction of trade barriers on agricultural and non-agricultural goods. Along with these trade liberalizing proposals, the U.S. Administration imposed temporary safeguard measures on key steel products to provide relief to the sectors of the steel industry that have been most affected by import surges. In addition, the U.S. Congress passed the 2002 Farm Security and Rural Investment Act that substantially increased U.S. domestic farm subsidies to shield domestic farm producers from competition from subsidized products from abroad."

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Includes bibliography

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La ayuda para el comercio no sustituye la dimensión de desarrollo contenida en la Ronda de Doha, y en particular las oportunidades que puedan derivarse de un mayor acceso a mercados para las exportaciones de los países en desarrollo, entre los que se cuentan los países de la región.

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The Sixth WTO Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong achieved the goals that had been set by Pascal Lamy when he assumed his new responsibilities as Director General of WTO in September 2005: a stocktaking meeting and the setting of guidelines for completing the work of the Doha Round in 2006.

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El estudio recientemente publicado por la División de Comercio Internacional e Integración de la CEPAL, estima que el 2005 será un buen año para el comercio de los países de la región. A pesar del contexto internacional favorable, persisten severos problemas de competitividad. Es preciso aumentar la productividad, impulsar la innovación tecnológica y participar pro-activamente en las redes internacionales.Entre las conclusiones del Estudio, se plantea la necesidad de actualizar la integración; reflexionar en forma estratégica sobre el vínculo a construir con China y los países del Pacífico; administrar los tratados de libre comercio para aumentar y diversificar las exportaciones; intensificar el ritmo de trabajo y coordinación con países en desarrollo sobre la ronda de Doha, e incorporar gradualmente las exigencias de seguridad en las políticas de competitividad, velando porque las mismas no se transformen en barreras proteccionistas (trazabilidad, inocuidad alimentaria y seguridad portuaria y de transporte marítimo).

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The study recently published by the Division of International Trade and Integration of ECLAC considers that 2005 will be a good year for trade in the countries of the region. Despite a favourable international context, there are still serious problems of competitiveness. The region needs to increase productivity, promote technological innovation and take a proactive part in worldwide networks. The conclusions of the study include the need to update integration; to take a strategic view of the links to be constructed with China and the countries of the Pacific; to manage free-trade agreements so as to increase and diversify exports; to step up the pace of work and improve coordination with the developing countries on the Doha Round, and to gradually incorporate the demands of security into competitiveness policies, ensuring that they do not become protectionist barriers (traceability, food safety and maritime and port security).

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This month's issue of the FAL Bulletin takes a panoramic view of the present World Trade Organization (WTO) trade negotiations, soon to embark on the Sixth Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong (Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China ). Reduced expectations on the outcomes of this meeting due to the scant progress on critical issues - such as the liberalization of the agricultural sector - increase the challenge to conclude the Doha Round by the end of 2006. The governments of the region have a role to play in the direction this process may take. Additional details on the progress of these objectives can be obtained in chapter II of Latin America and the Caribbean in the World Economy, 2004 Trends 2005.

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Special Issue: Preserving the Multilateral Trading System: An Evaluation of Doha The Underlying Reasons Uncertain Status of Initiatives for Developing Countries Hong Kong Ministerial Accord on Export Subsidies Main Differences in Agriculture The Perfect is Enemy of the Good Obstacles to Negotiating Access to Agricultural Product Markets Multilateralism, the Main Casualty The Benefits of the WTO Importance of Renewing Negotiations for Latin America

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Número Especial Preservar el sistema multilateral de comercio: una evaluación de Doha Las razones de fondo Incierto status de iniciativas a favor de países en desarrollo Acuerdo de Hong Kong sobre subsidios a las exportaciones Las principales diferencias en agricultura Lo perfecto es enemigo de lo bueno Dificultades en negociaciones de acceso a mercados de productos agrícolas Multilateralismo, la principal víctima Los beneficios de la OMC Importancia para la región de reanudar negociaciones

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The recent collapse of the Doha round once again underscores the tenuous nature of international trade negotiations. Likewise, the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the CARIFORUM grouping and the European Union (EU) has generated a great deal of discussion and debate over the past several months. What has clearly emerged is the existence of two diametrically opposed views on the impact and usefulness of the agreement. One view has it that the EPA is a major breakthrough in trade relations that will greatly benefit the region. On the other hand, some see it as being detrimental to the region and perhaps a total capitulation to the EU on the part of the CARIFORUM. They assert that it is part of a global EU strategy to impose World Trade Organization (WTO) policies on developing nations and get around the Doha obstacles. Both sides in this debate attempt to back up their views with reference to the text of the agreement. The objective of this review is to shed some light on the issues driving this debate particularly in the areas of market access, the impact on tariff revenues, and the implications for regional integration. This review also attempts to clarify and distill some of the main contentious issues regarding the EPA and to inform further discussion regarding an implementation plan. The approach is based on detailed study of the EPA text and its annexes plus extensive interviews with some of the main negotiators on the CARIFORUM side. Interviews were conducted both in person and via the Internet as many of the regional negotiators live or work outside of the region. The reviewer also attended presentations and discussions with some of the leading regional critics of the agreement.

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The Cotonou Agreement which succeeded the Lomé IV Agreement and was signed in Cotonou in June 2000 established a comprehensive framework to govern social, economic and political relations between the Africa, Caribbean, Pacific (ACP) grouping and the European Union (EU). At the centre of the partnership are objectives relating to economic development, the reduction and eventual eradication of poverty, and the smooth and gradual integration of ACP States into the world economy. In order to accomplish these objectives, the Cotonou Agreement provides for the conclusion between the ACP and the EU of “new World Trade Organization (WTO) compatible trading arrangements, removing progressively barriers to trade between them and enhancing cooperation in all areas relevant to trade” (Article 36.1). The conclusion of economic partnership agreements (EPAs) represented one way to achieve a WTO compatible instrument and had to be negotiated during the period starting from September 2002 until 31 December 2007 to replace the trade provisions of the Cotonou Agreement. After three and half years of negotiations, CARIFORUM and the European Commission (EC) finally concluded a comprehensive EPA with the EC on 16 December 2007 when an Agreement was initialed. The EPA Parties agreed to sign it later after a review of the provisions at both the national and regional levels. In CARIFORUM, various comments have been made from governments, Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the private sector and the labour movement about the strengths and weaknesses of the EPA. This review comes in this context and is confined to the development cooperation provisions and the question of WTO compatibility and consistency with the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) negotiations and existing WTO provisions on special and differential treatment.

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What does it take to make a coalition successful? Bigger coalitions are more likely to be successful because the GATT/WTO is a consensus-based institution and countries are informally penalized if they isolate themselves. Through a Bayesian statistical analysis, the article corroborates the above hypothesis. To further investigate the research question, qualitative case studies of the G-10 in the Uruguay Round and the Public Health Coalition in the Doha Round are conducted. These cases show that the more convincing the framing of a position, the better are the chances of coalitions keeping a large number of followers and supporters, thereby affecting their odds of success. By building a unique database and applying a new research design to the topic, the study rigorously tests theories about coalitions that had previously only been proposed but not empirically analyzed.