480 resultados para Andean


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Paleoenvironmental studies and climate models demonstrate that fluvial runoff and moisture availability in the Caribbean hinterland react very sensitively to climatic variations. Late Pleistocene and Holocene climate records document pronounced dry and wet periods over tropical South America mainly caused by shifts of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ). However, forcing mechanisms for changes in the ITCZ position remain controversial. Here we present high-resolution foraminiferal Ba/Ca and d18Oseawater records from a core located within the Orinoco River outflow documenting abrupt hydrological changes in the Orinoco catchment area during the deglacial and Holocene. Our data, obtained from the surface-dwelling foraminifera Globigerinoides ruber (pink), show an abrupt increase in Ba/Ca ratios in the early Holocene, starting ~600 yr after the end of the Younger Dryas (YD) cold interval at ca. 10.8 ka and suggesting a massive reorganization of moisture sources in northern South America. In contrast, the salinity dependent d18Oseawater from the same samples shows a gradual decrease starting at the end of the YD. The offset of our Ba/Ca peak excludes meltwater release in conjunction with the northern Andean glacier retreat well before the end of the YD as a forcing mechanism. We suggest that the Ba/Ca record documents an abrupt increase in Ba-rich waters of a northern Andean source caused by the insolation-driven shift of the ITCZ and/or enhanced monsoon activity.

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Descriptive letterpress on versos facing the plates.

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Includes bibliographies.

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Includes index.

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ELA-ICP-MS U-Pb zircon geochronology has been used to show that the porphyritic intrusions related to the formation of the Bajo de la Alumbrera porphyry Cu-Au deposit, NW Argentina, are cogenetic with stratigraphically well-constrained volcanic and volcaniclastic rocks of the Late Miocene Farallon Negro Volcanic Complex. Zircon geochronology for intrusions in this deposit and the host volcanic sequence show that multiple mineralized porphyries were emplaced in a volcanic complex that developed over 1.5 million years. Volcanism occurred in a multivent volcanic complex in a siliciclastic intermontane basin. The complex evolved from early mafic-intermediate effusive phases to a later silicic explosive phase associated with mafic intrusions. Zircons from the basal mafic-intermediate lavas have ages that range from 8.46 +/- 0.14 to 7.94 +/- 0.27 Ma. Regionally extensive silicic explosive volcanism occurred at similar to8.0 Ma (8.05 +/- 0.13 and 7.96 +/- 0.11 Ma), which is co-temporal with intrusion of the earliest mineralized porphyries at Bajo de la Alumbrera (8.02 +/- 0.14 and 7.98 +/- 0.14 Ma). Regional uplift and erosion followed during which the magmatic-hydrothermal system was probably unroofed. Shortly thereafter, dacitic lava domes were extruded (7.95 +/- 0.17 Ma) and rhyolitic diatremes (7.79 +/- 0.13 Ma) deposited thick tuff blankets, across the region. Emplacement of large intermediate composition stocks occurred at 7.37 +/- 0.22 Ma, shortly before renewed magmatism occurred at Bajo de la Alumbrera (7.10 +/- 0.07 Ma). The latest porphyry intrusive event is temporally associated with new ore-bearing magmatic-hydrothermal fluids. Other dacitic intrusions are associated with subeconomic deposits that formed synchronously with the mineralized porphyries at Bajo de la Alumbrera. However, their emplacement continued (from 7.10 +/- 0.06 to 6.93 +/- 0.07 Ma) after the final intrusion at Bajo de al Alumbrera. Regional volcanism had ceased by 6.8 Ma (6.92 +/- 0.07 Ma). The brief history of the volcanic complex hosting the Bajo de la Alumbrera Cu-Au deposit differs from that of other Andean provinces hosting porphyry deposits. For example, at the El Salvador porphyry copper district in Chile, magmatism related to Cu mineralization was episodic in regional igneous activity that occurred over tens of millions of years. Bajo de la Alumbrera resulted from the superposition of multiple porphyry-related hydrothermal systems, temporally separated by a million years. It appears that the metal budget in porphyry ore deposits is not simply a function of their longevity and/or the superposition of multiple porphyry systems. Nor is it a function of the duration of the associated cycle of magmatism. Instead, the timing of processes operating in the parental magma body is the controlling factor in the formation of a fertile porphyry-related ore system.

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The mode in which a lithosphere plate supports overlying topography is greatly driven by the strength of the plate. By analyzing the geophysical signature of lithosphere flexure, in the space and spectral domains, the strength of the plates that support the north Andean mountains and adjacent basins, and the topography of Kenya was investigated. In addition, the effect of windowing on elastic thickness estimates obtained via the coherence method was evaluated. ^ The coherence between the topography and Bouguer gravity spectra of northern South America suggests that the average elastic thickness of the lithosphere is 30 km. Although lateral variations were not resolved by the coherence implementation, these became apparent by modeling the foreland stratigraphy of the Llanos, Barinas and Maracaibo sub-Andean basins. Flexural models reveal a zone of lithosphere weakness beneath the eastern flank of the Eastern Cordillera and western flank of the Venezuelan Andes. The gravity anomaly calculated from these models is consistent with the observed Bouguer gravity anomaly. This zone of weakness appears to separate the strong, old Guyana shield lithosphere from the weaker and probably younger Andean lithosphere. The zone of weakness may correspond to a Paleozoic feature at the western margin of cratonic South America, or a Mesozoic rift arm that weakened the proto-Andean lithosphere. ^ Using synthetic data as well as the northern South America topography and gravity, this study demonstrates that lithosphere strength calculated from the coherence of mirrored data may overestimate the true lithosphere strength. As a result, many lithosphere plates may be weaker than currently thought. In light of this observation, gravity and topography data from Kenya were reevaluated using multitaper spectral techniques. The elastic thickness of this plate, currently undergoing rifting, was estimated at 7 to 8 km, a factor of 2 less than previously estimated. These estimates suggest that despite intense fracturing and sustained tensile stresses, continental lithosphere plates undergoing rifting are able to retain some strength. ^

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Twelve plants used medicinally in Callejon de Huaylas, Department of Ancash, northeastern Peru were selected and screened in vitro for cytotoxic and cytostatic activities. Traditional preparations, aqueous extracts and organic extracts (methanol:dimethyl chloride) were tested against murine leukemia P388 cells using flow cytometry. Seventy-five percent or more of the traditional and aqueous extracts were cytostatic at concentrations of 1mg/ml. For organic extracts, cytostatic activity ranged from 8.3% (at 6.25 μg/ml) to 58.3% (at 100 μg/ml). Quinchamalium procumbens, Ophryosporus chilca and Baccharis genistelloides showed strong activity. Extracts of Brachyotum rostratum, Monnina salicifolia, and Orthrosanthus chimboracensis were particularly interesting, since they were cytostatic but not cytotoxic at concentrations of 0.5 mg/ml. These Andean plants merit further analysis. The high percentage of activity found among the traditional preparations suggests that the traditional medical knowledge of Callejon de Huaylas healers deserves respect and merits further research. ^

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The subject of this dissertation is the nature of the environmental transformations, both symbolic and physical, that took place in Colombia between 1850 and 1930. This period begins with the attempt by the Colombian elite to leave behind colonial ties, overcome economic disorganization, and link Colombia to the international market. These efforts were part of a general project to “civilize” this tropical country. The period closes with the transition toward an industrialization and urbanization process led by the Colombian state during the 1930s. ^ Frequently, environmental studies as an academic field are dominated by biological concerns. However, most environmental thinking accepts their interdisciplinary nature. Under this framework not only spatial but also symbolic concerns are key elements in understanding environmental transformations. ^ This study finds that despite several attempts to transform the Colombian landscape physically, most of the substantive changes were localized and circumscribed to the Andean region. Other changes were mainly symbolic. This dissertation thus uses the Amazon as one of several regions that did not experience significant changes in the forest canopy. While highlanders originally dreamed of the Amazon as an untapped El Dorado, their failed attempts to exploit the region caused them to imagine it as a nightmarish “green hell”. ^ This dissertation concentrates on three pairs of concepts: tropicality/civilization, landscape/territory, and symbolic/material changes. It presents both a general vision of Colombia and case studies of three regions: Cundinamarca, and Cauca Valley are used to compare with the Amazon region that is developed at length. Whereas mainstream Colombian histories have either fixated on the Andean highlands or, in a relegated second place, on the Caribbean region, this dissertation attempts to significantly contribute to the historiography of Colombia by focusing on the largely neglected Amazonian region. ^ To understand imageries about Colombia's landscape, the dissertation relies on travel writings, chorographic descriptions and maps. It also makes uses legal documents and other published primary sources, including literary pieces and memoirs. ^

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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Indigenous movements have become increasingly powerful in the last couple of decades and they are now important political actors in some South American countries, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and, to a lesser extent, Peru and Chile. The rise of indigenous movements has provoked concern among U.S. policymakers and other observers who have feared that these movements will exacerbate ethnic polarization, undermine democracy, and jeopardize U.S. interests in the region. This paper argues that concern over the rise of indigenous movements is greatly exaggerated. It maintains that the rise of indigenous movements has not brought about a market increase in ethnic polarization in the region because most indigenous organizations have been ethnically inclusive and have eschewed violence. Although the indigenous movements have at times demonstrated a lack of regard for democratic institutions and procedures, they have also helped deepen democracy in the Andean region by promoting greater political inclusion and participation and by aggressively combating ethnic discrimination and inequality. Finally, this study suggests that the indigenous population has opposed some U.S. –sponsored initiatives, such as coca eradication and market reform, for legitimate reasons. Such policies have had some negative environmental, cultural, and economic consequences for indigenous people, which U.S. policymakers should try to address. The conclusion provides some specific policy recommendations on how to go about this.

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Frente al éxito de algunos productos andinos como la quinua, la papa o la maca en el comercio agroalimentario internacional y ante la creciente degradación ambiental que afrontan los países en desarrollo producto de actividades de explotación intensiva; nuestra investigación busca evidenciar la tendencia que se asume desde la comunidad académica/científica y los funcionarios públicos del sector agroalimentario en el Perú, frente a la necesidad de mantener sostenible diversos modos ancestrales de producción agrícola (caso quinua), para ello analizamos información cuantitativa y cualitativa obtenida de las instituciones públicas y las universidades peruanas.

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Frente al éxito de algunos productos andinos como la quinua, la papa o la maca en el comercio agroalimentario internacional y ante la creciente degradación ambiental que afrontan los países en desarrollo producto de actividades de explotación intensiva; nuestra investigación busca evidenciar la tendencia que se asume desde la comunidad académica/científica y los funcionarios públicos del sector agroalimentario en el Perú, frente a la necesidad de mantener sostenible diversos modos ancestrales de producción agrícola (caso quinua), para ello analizamos información cuantitativa y cualitativa obtenida de las instituciones públicas y las universidades peruanas.

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Frente al éxito de algunos productos andinos como la quinua, la papa o la maca en el comercio agroalimentario internacional y ante la creciente degradación ambiental que afrontan los países en desarrollo producto de actividades de explotación intensiva; nuestra investigación busca evidenciar la tendencia que se asume desde la comunidad académica/científica y los funcionarios públicos del sector agroalimentario en el Perú, frente a la necesidad de mantener sostenible diversos modos ancestrales de producción agrícola (caso quinua), para ello analizamos información cuantitativa y cualitativa obtenida de las instituciones públicas y las universidades peruanas.

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Numerous studies use major element concentrations measured on continental margin sediments to reconstruct terrestrial climate variations. The choice and interpretation of climate proxies however differ from site to site. Here we map the concentrations of major elements (Ca, Fe, Al, Si, Ti, K) in Atlantic surface sediments (36°N-49°S) to assess the factors influencing the geochemistry of Atlantic hemipelagic sediments and the potential of elemental ratios to reconstruct different terrestrial climate regimes. High concentrations of terrigenous elements and low Ca concentrations along the African and South American margins reflect the dominance of terrigenous input in these regions. Single element concentrations and elemental ratios including Ca (e.g., Fe/Ca) are too sensitive to dilution effects (enhanced biological productivity, carbonate dissolution) to allow reliable reconstructions of terrestrial climate. Other elemental ratios reflect the composition of terrigenous material and mirror the climatic conditions within the continental catchment areas. The Atlantic distribution of Ti/Al supports its use as a proxy for eolian versus fluvial input in regions of dust deposition that are not affected by the input of mafic rock material. The spatial distributions of Al/Si and Fe/K reflect the relative input of intensively weathered material from humid regions versus slightly weathered particles from drier areas. High biogenic opal input however influences the Al/Si ratio. Fe/K is sensitive to the input of mafic material and the topography of Andean river drainage basins. Both ratios are suitable to reconstruct African and South American climatic zones characterized by different intensities of chemical weathering in well-understood environmental settings.