Myths and myth-makers: old tales and superstitions interpreted by comparative mythology,

Modern works on the legend of William Tell: p. [241]

Northern mythology, comprising the principal popular traditions and superstitions of Scandinavia, north Germany, and the Netherlands.

Photocopy.

Observations on the popular antiquities of Great Britain: chiefly illustrating the origin of our vulgar and provincial customs, ceremonies, and superstitions.

Mode of access: Internet.

Dictionnaire infernal : ou Répertoire universel des êtres, des personnages, des livres, des faits et des choses qui tiennent aux apparitions, aux divinations, à la magie, au commerce de le̓nfer, aux démons, aux sorciers, aux sciences occultes, aux grimoires, à la cabale, aux exprits élémentaires, au grand œuvre, aux prodiges, aux erreurs et aux préjugés, aux impostures, aux arts des bohémiens, aux superstitions diverses, aux contes populaires, aux pronostics, et généralement à toutes les fausses croyances, merveilleuses, surprenantes, mystérieuses ou surnaturelles /

Mode of access: Internet.

Cambrian superstitions, comprising ghosts, omens, witchcraft, traditions, &c. To which are added a concise view of the manners and customs of the principality, and some fugitive pieces.

Mode of access: Internet.

Miscellaneous reflections occasion'd by the comet which appear'd in December 1680 : chiefly tending to explode popular superstitions /

Mode of access: Internet.

Plant lore, legends, and lyries. Embracing the myths, traditions, superstitions, and folk-lore of the plant kingdom.

"Principal works referred to": p. [v]-vi.

Examining the antecedents and consequences of ritualized fan behavior [Abstract]

One of the features of the sporting industry is the ritualized way in which it is consumed across the world. Fans of every sport have rituals and superstitions to help them enjoy the spectacle, socialize with other like-minded fans, and reduce some of the anxiety of watching their team play. These rituals include dress, barracking styles and pre and post match behaviors. What is not known are the factors that lead fans to engage in ritual behaviors and what relationship rituals have with desirable outcomes such as increased attendance, attitudinal loyalty or satisfaction. Given that some ritual behaviors are clearly undesirable, (e.g., hooliganism), understanding these relationships is important to managers who may be questioning whether rituals should be encouraged. Although ritualized behavior amongst fans is clearly visible, the symbolic and emotional nature of ritual poses challenges to researchers. Most previous ritual research is exploratory and qualitative in nature. This study, however, uses a behavior-based scale to measure fan ritual and relates it to desirable outcomes such as commitment and attendance. Over 2,000 season ticket holders of a football (soccer) team in Australia’s professional A-League competition were surveyed to investigate the antecedents and consequences of fan ritual behavior. Cluster analysis was used to explore the characteristics of respondents, and it revealed that those fans that engage in ritual behavior also differed on many other demographic and attitudinal dimensions. The associations between ritual and psychological commitment, and ritual and attendance are positive and significant. When used in conjunction with other constructs, fan ritual also improves the explanation of attendance behavior. The findings support previous research that found a significant and positive relationship between team identification, involvement and attendance, and extend previous research by finding a significant and positive relationship between rituals and attendance. For sports marketing practitioners, the results indicate the importance of developing and managing consumption rituals tied to game day attendance, with a view to generating uncommon loyalty.

Is Dawkins a modern-day Nicodemus?

This article applies a Wittgensteinian approach to the examination of the intelligibility of religious belief, in the wake of the recent attack on the Judeo-Christian religion by Richard Dawkins's book The God Delusion. The article attempts to show that Dawkins has confused religion with superstition, and that while Dawkins's arguments are decisive in the case of superstition, they do not successfully show religion to be a delusion. Religious belief in God is not like belief in the existence of a planet, and genuine religious faith is not like the belief in something for which there is not yet enough evidence, like belief in dark matter. The Christian doctrines of the resurrection and eternal life are misconstrued if they are understood as factual claims because they are then merely shallow superstitions, and not the great religious riddles they are meant to be.

Whe' yu' from?

"Whe' yu' from?" The question was put to me as I wandered, camera in hand, in the old square of Spanish Town, Jamaica's former capital. The local man, lounging in the shade of one of the colonial Georgian buildings that enclose the square, was mildly curious about what he took to be a typical white tourish photgraphing the sights of the decayed historic town. At that time, my home was in Kingston where i lived with my wife and baby son. I was then working in the Jamaican Government Town Planning Department in a job that took me all over the island. Turning to my questioner, I replied, "Kingston". There was a brief pause, and then the man spoke again: "No Man! Whe' yu' really from?" I still have difficulties when asked this question. Where am I from? What does this question mean? Does it refer to where I was born, where I spent my previous life or where I live now? Does it have a broader meaning, an enquiry about my origins in terms of background and previous experience? The following chapters are my attempt to answer these questions for my own satisfaction and, I hope, for the amusement of others who may be interested in the life of an ordinary English boy whose dream to travel and see the world was realized in ways he could not possibly have imagined. Finding an appropriate title for this book was difficult. Thursday's Child, North and South and War and Peace all came to mind but, unfortunately for me, those titles had been appropriated by other writers. Thursdays's Child is quite a popular book title, presumably because people who were born on that day and, in the words of the nursery rhyme, had 'far to go', are especially likely to have travellers' tales to tell or life stories of the rags-to-riches variety. Born on a Thursday, I have travelled a lot and I suppose that I have gone far in life. Coming from a working class family, I 'got on' by 'getting a good education' and a 'good job'. I decided against adding to the list of Thursday's Children. North and South would have reflected my life in Britain, spent in both the North and South of England, and my later years, divided between the Northern and Southern Hemispheres of the globe, as well as in countries commonly referred to as the 'advanced' North and the 'underdeveloped' South. North and South has already been appropriated by Mrs Gaskell, something that did not deter one popular American writer from using the title for a book of his. My memories of World War Two and the years afterwards made War and Peace a possible candidate, but readers expectnig an epic tale of Tolstoyan proportions may have been disappointed. To my knowledge, no other book has the title "Whe' Yu' From?". I am grateful to the Jamaican man whose question lingered in my memory and provided the title of this memoir, written decades later. This book is a word picture. It is, in a sense, a self-portrait, and like all portraits, it captures something of the character, it attempts to tell the truth, but it is not the whole truth. This is because it is not my intention to write my entire life story; rather I wish to tell about some of the things in my experience of life that have seemed important or interesting to me. Unlike a painted portrait, the picture I have created is intended to suggest the passage of time. While, for most of us in Western society, time is linear and unidirectional, like the flight of an arrov or the trajectory of a bullet, memory rearranges things, calling up images of the past in no particular order, making connections that may link events in various patterns, circular, web-like, superimposed. The stream of consciousness is very unlike that of streams we encounter in the physical world. Connections are made in all directions; thoughts hop back and forth in time and space, from topic to topic. My book is a composition drawn from periods, events and thoughts as I remember them. Like life itself, it is made up of patches, some good, some bad, but in my experience, always fascinating. In recording my memories, I have been as accurate as possible. Little of what I have written is about spectacular sights and strange customs. Much of it focuses on my more modest explorations includng observations of everyday things that have attracted my attention. Reading through the chapters, I am struck by my childhood freedom to roam and engage in 'dangerous' activities like climbing trees and playing beside streams, things that many children today are no longer allowed to enjoy. Also noticeable is the survival of traditions and superstitions from the distant past. Obvious too, is my preoccupation with place names, both official ones that appear on maps and sign boards and those used by locals and children, names rarely seen in print. If there is any uniting theme to be found in what I have written, it must be my education in the fields, woods and streets of my English homeland, in the various other countries in which I have lived and travelled, as well as more formally from books and in classrooms. Much of my book is concerned with people and places. Many of the people I mention are among those who have been, and often have remained, important and close to me. Others I remember from only the briefest of encounters, but they remain in my memory because of some specific incident or circumstance that fixed a lasting image in my mind. Some of my closest friends and relatives, however, appear nowhere in these pages or they receive only the slightest mention. This is not because they played an unimportant roles in my life. It is because this book is not the whole story. Among those whe receive little or no mention are some who are especially close to me, with whom I have shared happy and sad times and who have shown me and my family much kindness, giving support when this was needed. Some I have known since childhood and have popped up at various times in my life, often in different parts of the world. Although years may pass without me seeing them, in an important sense they are always with me. These people know who they are. I hope that they know how much I love and appreciate them. When writing my memoir, I consulted a few of the people mentioned in this book, but in the main, I have relied on my own memory, asided by daiary and notebook entries and old correspondence. In the preparation of this manuscript, I benefited greatly from the expert advice and encouragement of Neil Marr of BeWrite Books. My wife Anne, inspiration for this book, also contributed in the valuable role of critic. She has my undying gratitude.

Fatalism, superstition, religion, and culture : road user beliefs and behaviour in Pakistan

Road traffic crashes have emerged as a major health problem around the world. Road crash fatalities and injuries have been reduced significantly in developed countries, but they are still an issue in low and middle-income countries. The World Health Organization (WHO, 2009) estimates that the death toll from road crashes in low- and middle-income nations is more than 1 million people per year, or about 90% of the global road toll, even though these countries only account for 48% of the world's vehicles. Furthermore, it is estimated that approximately 265,000 people die every year in road crashes in South Asian countries and Pakistan stands out with 41,494 approximately deaths per year. Pakistan has the highest rate of fatalities per 100,000 population in the region and its road crash fatality rate of 25.3 per 100,000 population is more than three times that of Australia's. High numbers of road crashes not only cause pain and suffering to the population at large, but are also a serious drain on the country's economy, which Pakistan can ill-afford. Most studies identify human factors as the main set of contributing factors to road crashes, well ahead of road environment and vehicle factors. In developing countries especially, attention and resources are required in order to improve things such as vehicle roadworthiness and poor road infrastructure. However, attention to human factors is also critical. Human factors which contribute to crashes include high risk behaviours like speeding and drink driving, and neglect of protective behaviours such as helmet wearing and seat belt wearing. Much research has been devoted to the attitudes, beliefs and perceptions which contribute to these behaviours and omissions, in order to develop interventions aimed at increasing safer road use behaviours and thereby reducing crashes. However, less progress has been made in addressing human factors contributing to crashes in developing countries as compared to the many improvements in road environments and vehicle standards, and this is especially true of fatalistic beliefs and behaviours. This is a significant omission, since in different cultures in developing countries there are strong worldviews in which predestination persists as a central idea, i.e. that one's life (and death) and other events have been mapped out and are predetermined. Fatalism refers to a particular way in which people regard the events that occur in their lives, usually expressed as a belief that an individual does not have personal control over circumstances and that their lives are determined through a divine or powerful external agency (Hazen & Ehiri, 2006). These views are at odds with the dominant themes of modern health promotion movements, and present significant challenges for health advocates who aim to avert road crashes and diminish their consequences. The limited literature on fatalism reveals that it is not a simple concept, with religion, culture, superstition, experience, education and degree of perceived control of one's life all being implicated in accounts of fatalism. One distinction in the literature that seems promising is the distinction between empirical and theological fatalism, although there are areas of uncertainty about how well-defined the distinction between these types of fatalism is. Research into road safety in Pakistan is scarce, as is the case for other South Asian countries. From the review of the literature conducted, it is clear that the descriptions given of the different belief systems in developing countries including Pakistan are not entirely helpful for health promotion purposes and that further research is warranted on the influence of fatalism, superstition and other related beliefs in road safety. Based on the information available, a conceptual framework is developed as a means of structuring and focusing the research and analysis. The framework is focused on the influence of fatalism, superstition, religion and culture on beliefs about crashes and road user behaviour. Accordingly, this research aims to provide an understanding of the operation of fatalism and related beliefs in Pakistan to assist in the development and implementation of effective and culturally appropriate interventions. The research examines the influence of fatalism, superstition, religious and cultural beliefs on risky road use in Pakistan and is guided by three research questions: 1. What are the perceptions of road crash causation in Pakistan, in particular the role of fatalism, superstition, religious and cultural beliefs? 2. How does fatalism, superstition, and religious and cultural beliefs influence road user behaviour in Pakistan? 3. Do fatalism, superstition, and religious and cultural beliefs work as obstacles to road safety interventions in Pakistan? To address these questions, a qualitative research methodology was developed. The research focused on gathering data through individual in-depth interviewing using a semi-structured interview format. A sample of 30 participants was interviewed in Pakistan in the cities of Lahore, Rawalpindi and Islamabad. The participants included policy makers (with responsibility for traffic law), experienced police officers, religious orators, professional drivers (truck, bus and taxi) and general drivers selected through a combination of purposive, criterion and snowball sampling. The transcripts were translated from Urdu and analysed using a thematic analysis approach guided by the conceptual framework. The findings were divided into four areas: attribution of crash causation to fatalism; attribution of road crashes to beliefs about superstition and malicious acts; beliefs about road crash causation linked to popular concepts of religion; and implications for behaviour, safety and enforcement. Fatalism was almost universally evident, and expressed in a number of ways. Fate was used to rationalise fatal crashes using the argument that the people killed were destined to die that day, one way or another. Related to this was the sense of either not being fully in control of the vehicle, or not needing to take safety precautions, because crashes were predestined anyway. A variety of superstitious-based crash attributions and coping methods to deal with road crashes were also found, such as belief in the role of the evil eye in contributing to road crashes and the use of black magic by rivals or enemies as a crash cause. There were also beliefs related to popular conceptions of religion, such as the role of crashes as a test of life or a source of martyrdom. However, superstitions did not appear to be an alternative to religious beliefs. Fate appeared as the 'default attribution' for a crash when all other explanations failed to account for the incident. This pervasive belief was utilised to justify risky road use behaviour and to resist messages about preventive measures. There was a strong religious underpinning to the statement of fatalistic beliefs (this reflects popular conceptions of Islam rather than scholarly interpretations), but also an overlap with superstitious and other culturally and religious-based beliefs which have longer-standing roots in Pakistani culture. A particular issue which is explored in more detail is the way in which these beliefs and their interpretation within Pakistani society contributed to poor police reporting of crashes. The pervasive nature of fatalistic beliefs in Pakistan affects road user behaviour by supporting continued risk taking behaviour on the road, and by interfering with public health messages about behaviours which would reduce the risk of traffic crashes. The widespread influence of these beliefs on the ways that people respond to traffic crashes and the death of family members contribute to low crash reporting rates and to a system which appears difficult to change. Fate also appeared to be a major contributing factor to non-reporting of road crashes. There also appeared to be a relationship between police enforcement and (lack of) awareness of road rules. It also appears likely that beliefs can influence police work, especially in the case of road crash investigation and the development of strategies. It is anticipated that the findings could be used as a blueprint for the design of interventions aimed at influencing broad-spectrum health attitudes and practices among the communities where fatalism is prevalent. The findings have also identified aspects of beliefs that have complex social implications when designing and piloting driver intervention strategies. By understanding attitudes and behaviours related to fatalism, superstition and other related concepts, it should be possible to improve the education of general road users, such that they are less likely to attribute road crashes to chance, fate, or superstition. This study also underscores the understanding of this issue in high echelons of society (e.g., policy makers, senior police officers) as their role is vital in dispelling road users' misconceptions about the risks of road crashes. The promotion of an evidence or scientifically-based approach to road user behaviour and road safety is recommended, along with improved professional education for police and policy makers.

La civilización vasca medieval: vida(s), cotidiana(s), mentalidad(es) y cultura(s)

[ES]A lo largo de las páginas de este trabajo se pasa revista a diversas cuestiones que permiten realizar una aproximación a las diversas formas de vida cotidiana y mentalidad del País Vasco y Navarra durante los siglos bajomedievales. Esas cuestiones aluden al primum vivere, al ciclo vital, al control de la vida privada de los individuos y pública de las comunidades por parte de las autoridades, las fiestas, las supersticiones y distintos aspectos relativos a la cultura, como literatura, historiografía y arte.

Superstición y brujería en el Duranguesado a fines de la Edad Media: ¿Amboto 1507?

[ES] En este investigación se analiza el rico mundo de las supersticiones, de la magia, de la hechicería y de la brujería vasca medieval, centrándose especialmente en el foco de brujería que afectó a la comarca del Duranguesado y que ha pasado a la historiografía y a la tradición popular bajo el sobre nombre de brujas del Amboto.

Diderot, le grand satirique

Diderot est davantage un humaniste et un non-conformiste qui se préoccupe beaucoup de la stabilité et du confort de l‘existence humaine. Il croit que l‘homme est né pour vivre en société et qu‘il doit être heureux. Toute cette philosophie ressort de ses oeuvres dont l‘objectif est celui d‘aider les hommes à atteindre le bonheur: il s‘agit donc d‘une littérature engagée. La verve satirique de Diderot est le fil directeur d‘une oeuvre variée et diverse qui risque de décourager le lecteur paresseux. L‘élément satirique rassemble les articles de L‟Encyclopédie, les Salons et les oeuvres fictives de Diderot, comme par exemple, Le Neveu de Rameau, Jacques le Fataliste et son Maître et La Religieuse. Bien que L‟Encyclopédie soit une entreprise scientifique, Diderot cache, dans plusieurs articles, pour tromper la censure, des attaques virulentes contre la morale, la religion et ses institutions. Il critique aussi les superstitions et les croyances don‘t s‘entourent les religions. Dans les Salons, Diderot rédige des appréciations sur les tableaux de quelques peintres, parus dans plusieurs expositions. Mais Diderot ne les décrit pas en tant que technicien, il s‘en sert pour faire une parodie de ces peintures, utilisant très souvent un langage grossier et un style gaillard. La satire est le lien entre la non-fiction et la fiction. Dans ses oeuvres romanesques on trouve la satire sociale et littéraire : Diderot y met en question le genre romanesque traditionnel, par conséquent Le Neveu de Rameau, Jacques le Fataliste et son Maître et La Religieuse se caractérisent par un décousu apparent et désordonné – c‘est la forme amusante dont Diderot se sert pour révéler aux lecteurs que les romans traditionnels les trompent. La forme désorganisée sert aussi à montrer le manque de liberté dont l‘homme jouit – l‘homme n‘est qu‘un guignol manipulé par le destin. En effet, en « déconstruisant » le roman, Diderot oblige le lecteur à réfléchir sur la condition humaine et l‘illusion romanesque de telle façon que le lecteur ne sait plus ce qui est faux et ce qui est vrai, surtout dans le cas de La Religieuse.

Le souper

«Le souper» constitue le XIIème chapitre du roman de Voltaire, Zadig – Le monde comme il va (1747). On y trouve plusieurs aspects qui font le charme des contes de l’époque, tels que la fantaisie, l’imagination, le voyage, la couleur locale, l’humour, la satire… Le héros, Zadig, se mouvemente dans un cadre exotique (l’Arabie), il vit des situations bizarres, comiques et parodiques. Mais Voltaire ne veut pas tout simplement amuser le lecteur, il a une thèse à défendre, par conséquent il invite le lecteur à lire dans les entre-lignes. Voltaire essaie de montrer satiriquement que l’homme croit dominer les événements, mais en effet, il n’est qu’un jouet des forces qui le dépassent. Zadig est toujours dans la quête du bonheur qui semble impossible: quand il croit que finalement il est heureux, la destinée lui tend un piège. Dans «Le souper», Voltaire continue à exposer ses philosophies et c’est pourquoi il choisit le banquet qui est très propre à la confrontation d’idées. Il y rassemble plusieurs hommes de différentes nationalités et cultures et qui ont une grande diversité de points de vue, en ce qui concerne les superstitions et les préjugés. La discussion devient animée et anecdotique et elle sert à illustrer la thèse de Voltaire, selon laquelle l’homme est médiocre et ignorant, le fanatisme est dangereux et mène à la violence, et le hasard joue un rôle primordial dans notre vie. Dans «Le souper», chaque convive tente d’imposer ses convictions, en méprisant celles des autres, ce qui donne une image accablante de la condition humaine. Cependant, Zadig, en faisant usage de sa raison et de son esprit critique, réussit à réconcilier tout le monde, et quand il semble que «tout va bien dans le meilleur des mondes», il lui arrive une catastrophe: on veut brûler Zadig à petit feu, car il venait de détruire une ancienne tradition- «le bûcher du veuvage», ce qui illustre et justifie le scepticisme de Voltaire par rapport à la Providence.