978 resultados para religious groups
Resumo:
The concept of citizenship is one of the most complicated in political and social sciences. Its long process of historical development makes dealing with it particularly complicated. Citizenship is by nature a multi-dimensional concept: there is a legal citizenship, referring first to the equal legal status of individuals, for instance the equality between men and women. Legal citizenship also refers to a political dimension, the right to start and/or join political parties, or political participation more broadly. Thirdly, it has a religious dimension relating to the right of all religious groups to equally and freely practice their religious customs and rituals. Finally, legal citizenship possesses a socio-economic dimension related to the non-marginalisation of different social categories, for instance women. All of these dimensions, far from being purely objects of legal texts and codifications, are emerging as an arena of political struggle within the Egyptian society. Citizenship as a concept has its roots in European history and, more specifically, the emergence of the nation state in Europe and the ensuing economic and social developments in these societies. These social developments and the rise of the nation state have worked in parallel, fostering the notion of an individual citizen bestowed with rights and obligations. This gradual interaction was very different from what happened in the context of the Arab world. The emerging of the nation state in Egypt was an outcome of modernisation efforts from the top-down; it coercively redesigned the social structure, by eliminating or weakening some social classes in favour of others. These efforts have had an impact on the state-society relation at least in two respects. First, on the overlapping relation between some social classes and the state, and second, on the ability of some social groups to self-organise, define and raise their demands. This study identifies how different political parties in Egypt envision the multi-dimensional concept of citizenship. We focus on the following elements: Nature of the state (identity, nature of the regime) Liberties and rights (election laws, political party laws, etc.) Right to gather and organise (syndicates, associations, etc.) Freedom of expression and speech (right to protest, sit in, strike, etc.) Public and individual liberties (freedom of belief, personal issues, etc.) Rights of marginalised groups (women, minorities, etc.)
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Aim. To 'own' a person is considered an infringement of human rights, but we suggest that concepts of ownership influence interactions between parents and staff when a child is admitted to hospital. This paper aims to stimulate debate and contains an explanation of the exploration of the literature for research and discussion of ownership of the child. Method. A wide variety of library indexes, databases and populist media were examined although it was impossible to examine all literature which may have contained references to this topic, and, apart from databases which contained abstracts in English, we could not include literature written in any language other than English, Swedish, and Icelandic. Findings. We found no research that examines how concepts of ownership of a child affects communication between health professionals and parents and, ultimately, the delivery of health care. This paper begins discussion on the issues. Discussion. Historical literature shows that ownership of humans has been a part of many cultures, and parents were once considered to own their children. Ownership of another has legal connotations, for instance in guardianship struggles of children during marriage breakup and in ethical debates over surrogacy and products of assisted conception. Within health care, it becomes a contentious issue in transplantation of body parts, in discourse on autonomy and informed consent, and for religious groups who refuse blood transfusions. In health care, models such as family centred care and partnership in care depend on positive communication between parents and staff. If a hospital staff member feels that he/she owns a child for whom he/she is caring, then conflict between the staff member and the parents over who has the 'best interests of the child' at heart is possible. Conclusion. We encourage debate about concepts of who owns the hospitalized child - the parents or the staff? Should it be argued at all? Is the whole concept of ownership of another, be it adult or child, the ethical antithesis to modern beliefs about human rights? Comment on this issue is invited.
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O município de Rio Grande da Serra está situado em uma região Grande ABC paulista reconhecida nacionalmente por seu desenvolvimento econômico e industrial e pelas lutas políticas e sindicais. Paradoxalmente, se configura, social e territorialmente falando, por uma região de periferia urbana. Resultado da forma como a urbanização, na sociedade moderna, conforma o espaço em regiões centrais e periféricas. Localizado no caminho que ligava Santos à Mogi das Cruzes (século XIX) povoado de Geribatiba decorrente das transformações urbanas ocorridas em toda a região, conquistaria, nos anos 1960, sua autonomia político-administrativa. Nas décadas seguintes testemunhou intenso crescimento populacional, resultado do processo migratório, principalmente de mineiros e nordestinos que tinham as cidades, e indústrias, de São Paulo e Grande ABC como destino. Esse deslocamento de pessoas, e as redes formadas em seu em torno, contribuiu para o desenvolvimento de seu campo religioso. Atualmente, com uma população, em torno, de 46 mil habitantes, possui aproximadamente 180 locais de cerimônias religiosas. Nesse contexto, a tese analisa a inserção regional socioeconômica e religiosa de Rio Grande da Serra, a partir de dados comparativos com os demais municípios, e discute como o regionalismo tem contribuído para seu desenvolvimento econômico. Realiza a caracterização das periferias urbanas, discutindo aspectos que lhes são inerentes, como segregação e vulnerabilidade social. Nesse sentido, a investigação possibilitou a identificação do perfil socioeconômico (renda e escolaridade) dos participantes dos grupos religiosos (católicos, evangélicos, kardecistas e umbandistas), permitindo, também, identificar desigualdades sociais no interior de seu território, constatando que determinados bairros são mais vulneráveis do que outros. Considerando que esse estudo examina a capacidade das redes sociais e religiosas, de aumentar o capital social de seus participantes, foi realizado o mapeamento e etnografia das diversas práticas associativas, mais ou menos formais e estruturadas, de forma a analisar os elementos materiais e simbólicos por elas produzidos. Constatou-se, apoiado na aplicação de questionários, entrevistas e observação participativa, que, a partir do habitus religioso de cada grupo, as redes possibilitam no âmbito econômico questões como emprego e renda ou auxílio em necessidades básicas de sobrevivência, através de campanhas e trabalhos sociais. No âmbito simbólico, as redes propiciam questões importantes à existência humana, como a crença na salvação ou evolução da alma, socialização, autoestima, prestígio ou ainda a expectativa de cura ou tratamento de dependência química. Pôde-se aferir que, a despeito das diferentes formas como cada grupo, e seus participantes, se apropriam do capital social, as redes sociais e religiosas, no município, funcionam como redes de proteção, especialmente à população em situação alta de vulnerabilidade social.
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Essa pesquisa estuda o papel de grupos religiosos pentecostais junto a migrantes em uma região periférica da cidade de São Carlos no interior de São Paulo. Tomamos como foco de estudo duas igrejas localizadas na região periférica dessa cidade, especificamente do bairro denominado Cidade Aracy. Apresentamos as diferentes fases do desenvolvimento, formação e constituição do bairro em estudo com as configurações assumidas pelo espaço em seu processo de crescimento, desenvolvimento e constituição de periferia. Utilizamos o conceito de periferia urbana vinculado às condições de segregação destacando o componente migratório dos moradores da região em estudo. Analisamos finalmente as características de grupos pentecostais, prestando especial atenção ao papel por eles cumprido na acolhida e na adaptação dos migrantes de outras regiões do país e do Estado. Nosso tema situa-se no contexto maior do mundo urbano como caraterística fundamental da modernidade com as reconfigurações das formas religiosas. Nosso campo teórico combina a sociologia da religião e a sociologia urbana. A pesquisa incluiu observação intensa de campo, mapeamento dos grupos religiosos, aplicação de questionários e entrevistas.
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Ao analisar Apocalipse 14.1-5, esta pesquisa encontrou afirmações que parecem representar a identidade de João e sua audiência, bem como a forma como eles concebiam o mundo. Nos seus elementos litúrgicos, estas pessoas se viam como sacerdotes de Deus, membros do seu reino, participantes do seu culto celestial e com dignidade exa ltada como a dos anjos do céu. Alguns elementos identitários, entretanto, não são compartilhados plenamente entre João e suas comunidades. O autor de Apocalipse possui altas demandas ascéticas e sectárias que o afastam não apenas da sociedade mais ampla, mas de qualquer irmão que tenha uma posição divergente. Ele enxerga o mundo mergulhado num conflito entre o Dragão e o Cordeiro, conflito esse que será vencido com a participação de 144.000 guerreiros através da prática do martírio. Esta tradição da guerra santa insere no Apocalipse o potencial de isolar sectariamente a audiência da sociedade e de outros grupos religiosos.(AU)
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A presente pesquisa analisa igrejas evangélicas pentecostais no município de Rio Grande da Serra, região do Grande ABC Paulista. Busca identificar qual é o papel social desses grupos religiosos de grande crescimento no município junto aos seus membros em situação socioeconômica frágil, tanto quanto para a população carente da cidade. A partir de uma reflexão acerca da constituição de espaços territoriais periféricos , e das práticas associativas nesses espaços, nosso objetivo é estudar o associativismo religioso formal e informal, e a construção de redes sociais em seu entorno, e a sua contribuição para o aumento do capital social, entendido este, segundo Bourdieu, como agregado de benefícios materiais e simbólicos, de seus participantes. A pesquisa leva em consideração que a cidade caracteriza-se por ser uma região de periferia, em que parcela importante da população vive em situação de segregação, riscos e vulnerabilidade social.
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Few researchers have examined the nature and determinants of earnings differentials among religious groups, and none has been undertaken in the context of conflict-prone multi-religious societies like the one in India. We address this lacuna in the literature by examining the differences in the average log earnings of Hindu and Muslim wage earners in India, during the 1987–2005 period. Our results indicate that education differences between Hindu and Muslim wage earners, especially differences in the proportion of wage earners with tertiary education, are largely responsible for the differences in the average log earnings of the two religious groups across the years. By contrast, differences in the returns to education do not explain the aforementioned difference in average log earnings. In conclusion, we discuss some policy implications.
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Religious actors are becoming part of the EU bureaucratic system, and their mobilisation in Brussels and Strasbourg in the last decade has increased dramatically. This book explores the mechanism and impact of religious representation by examining relations between religious practitioners and politicians in the European Union from the Second World War until today. This book seeks to answer the following questions: How do (trans)national religious groups enter into contact with European institutions? What are the rationale and the mechanisms of religious representation in the European Union? How are religious values transposed into political strategies? What impact has relations between religious practitioners, EU officials and politicians on the construction of the European Union? Examining religious representation at the state, transnational and institutional levels, this volume demonstrates that ‘faith’ is becoming an increasingly important element of the decision-making process. It includes chapters written by both academics and religious practitioners in dialogue with European institutions and will be of great interest to students and scholars of European politics, history, sociology of religion, law and international relations.
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The death of an infant/child is one of the most devastating experiences for parents and immediately throws them into crisis. Spiritual and religious coping strategies may help parents with their loss. The purposes of this longitudinal study were to: (1) describe differences in bereaved parents' use of spiritual coping strategies across racial/ethnic and religious groups, mother/father dyads, and time—one (T1) and three (T2) months after the infant's/child's death in the neonatal (NICU) or pediatric intensive care unit (PICU), and (2) test the relationship between spiritual coping strategies and grief, mental health, and personal growth for mothers and fathers at T1 and T2. A sample of 126 Hispanic, Black/African American, and White parents of 119 deceased children completed the Spiritual Coping Strategies scale, Beck Depression Inventory-II, Impact of Events-Revised, Hogan Grief Reaction Checklist, and a demographic form at T1 and T2. Controlling for race and religion, spiritual coping was a strong predictor of lower grief, better mental health, and greater personal growth for mothers at T1 and T2 and lower grief for fathers at T1. The findings of this study will guide bereaved parents to effective strategies to help them cope with their early grief.
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Immigrant youth are the fastest growing component of the U.S. population and Mexicans are the largest immigrant group in the U.S. The manner in which they integrate into U.S. society and the ways that they become civically engaged, will greatly determine the nature of civil society in the United States over the next few decades. Moreover, religion is increasingly recognized as an important factor in immigrant adaptation. Based upon fieldwork of participant observation and interviews in Homestead, Florida, this thesis examined the relationship among Mexican youths' identity, religion and civic engagement. I found that if these youths are active in religious practices they will be more likely to identify themselves as part of the dominant group, in this case American society. Religious groups are powerful tools that can help these youth reach the greater community.
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Behaviors found in every culture, general human tendencies, are knew in Evolutionary Psychology as evolved psychological mechanisms. Those behaviors date back the Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness, and a well know example of such behavior is the group bias (or intergroup bias). This bias consists of recognizing members of your own group and favor them, while disregarding or even harming outsiders. This behavior was and still is extensively studies, among the most important conclusions about this phenomenon is the Minimal Groups Paradigm, in which it was discovered that the group bias could trigger even when the groupings were done in following very arbitrary criteria. In the current study, our goal was to test if the participants, when playing an economic game, would behave in a similar fashion under a minimal group situation and real groups, with social meaning. With this in mind we made two experimental conditions, a Low Social Meaning one (LSM) where the groups were represented by letters (H, B, O and Y) in which participants would be ramdomly assorted to each group; and the High Social Meaning condition (HSM) in which religion was used as a group marker, containing the two most dominating religious groups in Brazil, catholic and evangelic, another group containing all the other affiliations e the fourth and last group representing atheists and agnostics. The ratio of donations in-group/out-group was roughly the same across both conditions. However, the amount of wafers donated to ingroup was significantly bigger in the HSM condition. By verifying which aspects of the individual best predicted the observed group bias, we discovered that the in-group Entitativity perception as well as the Group Identification were the most relevant variables, however, only in the HSM condition. Simultaneously, by verifying the generosity, biased or not, we observed that the agreeableness personality factor was the only variable able to predict it, and only in the LSM condition. We conclude that our generosity, or the lack of it, is for most part defined by our personality, the Agreeableness factor in particular. But this very generosity can be biased by the social meaning of the involved groups and that, if the social meaning is big enough, even people who, thanks to their personality, normally wouldn’t show generosity, are able to do so when the receiver is an in-group member.
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En el presente trabajo indagaremos sobre la reconfiguración de las dinámicas institucionales en dos cárceles de la provincia de Santa Fe, Argentina, tras la inserción del dispositivo religiosoevangélico- pentecostal. Los casos serán las penitenciarías n° 3 —mediana seguridad— y n° 11 — máxima seguridad—, y nos interrogaremos sobre las relaciones de reciprocidad que el dispositivo religioso configura en el encierro, en cómo dichas relaciones definen nuevas estrategias de gobierno por parte del servicio penitenciario y de qué manera se rediseñan las relaciones de poder en el dispositivo carcelario. Abordaje comparativo que responde a la hipótesis de que el dispositivo religioso-evangélicopentecostal construye matrices comunes de ordenamiento social, funcionamiento y reciprocidades en el encierro pero, al mismo tiempo, consolida su funcionamiento a raíz de una identificación precisa de las necesidades y oportunidades de los sujetos según atraviesen situaciones de ingreso o egreso carcelario.
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The Cyprus dispute accurately portrays the evolution of the conflict from ‘warfare to lawfare’ enriched in politics; this research has proven that the Cyprus problem has been and will continue to be one of the most judicialised disputes across the globe. Notwithstanding the ‘normalisation’ of affairs between the two ethno-religious groups on the island since the division in 1974, the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) European Union (EU) membership in 2004 failed to catalyse reunification and terminate the legal, political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. So the question is; why is it that the powerful legal order of the EU continuously fails to tame the tiny troublesome island of Cyprus? This is a thesis on the interrelationship of the EU legal order and the Cyprus problem. A literal and depoliticised interpretation of EU law has been maintained throughout the EU’s dealings with Cyprus, hence, pre-accession and post-accession. The research has brought to light that this literal interpretation of EU law vis-à-vis Cyprus has in actual fact deepened the division on the island. Pessimists outnumber optimists so far as resolving this problem is concerned, and rightly so if you look back over the last forty years of failed attempts to do just that, a diplomatic combat zone scattered with the bones of numerous mediators. This thesis will discuss how the decisions of the EU institutions, its Member States and specifically of the European Court of Justice, despite conforming to the EU legal order, have managed to disregard the principle of equality on the divided island and thus prevent the promised upgrade of the status of the Turkish Cypriot community since 2004. Indeed, whether a positive or negative reading of the Union’s position towards the Cyprus problem is adopted, the case remains valid for an organisation based on the rule of law to maintain legitimacy, democracy, clarity and equality to the decisions of its institutions. Overall, the aim of this research is to establish a link between the lack of success of the Union to build a bridge over troubled waters and the right of self-determination of the Turkish Cypriot community. The only way left for the EU to help resolve the Cyprus problem is to aim to broker a deal between the two Cypriot communities which will permit the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or at least the ‘Taiwanisation’ of Northern Cyprus. Albeit, there are many studies that address the impact of the EU on the conflict or the RoC, which represents the government that has monopolised EU accession, the argument advanced in this thesis is that despite the alleged Europeanisation of the Turkish Cypriot community, they are habitually disregarded because of the EU’s current legal framework and the Union’s lack of conflict transformation strategy vis-à-vis the island. Since the self-declared TRNC is not recognised and EU law is suspended in northern Cyprus in accordance with Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Turkish-Cypriots represent an idiomatic partner of Brussels but the relations between the two resemble the experience of EU enlargement: the EU’s relevance to the community has been based on the prospects for EU accession (via reunification) and assistance towards preparation for potential EU integration through financial and technical aid. Undeniably, the pre-accession and postaccession strategy of Brussels in Cyprus has worsened the Cyprus problem and hindered the peace process. The time has come for the international community to formally acknowledge the existence of the TRNC.
Fronteras de la tolerancia : la arquitectura del Tratado Teológico-Político y su fuerza perturbadora
Resumo:
Spinoza no ha elaborado una doctrina sistemática sobre la tolerancia, sin embargo resulta manifiesta su preocupación por los efectos que tienen para el estado moderno tanto su carencia como una excesiva permisividad en este asunto. En el Tratado Teológico-político el filósofo censura la conducta pertinaz de los fariseos por su falta de tolerancia, al mismo tiempo que contempla con recelo la complacencia de algunos políticos holandeses que, en el presente, hacen gala de una tolerancia hipertrofiada. En el presente artículo consideraremos la posición de Spinoza ante estas dos tradiciones, y su propuesta a favor de delimitar con claridad las fronteras de la tolerancia en el estado con el fin de proteger el imperium de la república y la libertad del ciudadano.
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Les Homélies et les Reconnaissances du Pseudo-Clément, aussi appelées Pseudo-Clémentines, sont des témoins privilégiés du foisonnement intellectuel et théologique des premiers siècles chrétiens. Alors que la recherche moderne a longtemps tenté de déterminer les différentes étapes de leur constitution (ne posant pour seule conclusion certaine que l’existence d’un « Écrit de base » à leur origine), le présent mémoire offre une enquête littéraire qui permettra de situer l’état final des Pseudo-Clémentines dans leur contexte rédaction, en établissant comment elles dialoguent avec les principaux groupes religieux de leur milieu (chrétiens, judéo-chrétiens, juifs, gnostiques et païens). Dans ce cadre, cette étude définit le dualisme pseudo-clémentin selon ses quatre aspects : la règle de syzygies ou des couples antagonistes, qui veut que tout, dans la création, soit organisé par Dieu en couples opposés ; les prophéties masculine et féminine, dont la première apporte la vérité alors que la seconde apporte le mensonge ; la doctrine des deux rois, dont l’un, qui est bon, gouverne le royaume du monde à venir, alors que l’autre, qui est mauvais, règne sur le monde présent ; la doctrine des deux voies, dont l’une mène au salut et l’autre à la perdition. Après une analyse de ces thèmes au sein des Pseudo-Clémentines, qui révèle les différences qui existent entre les deux textes, ces mêmes motifs sont recherchés dans la littérature apparentée, en particulier dans les textes gnostiques de la bibliothèque de Nag Hammadi, les textes découverts à Qumrân et la littérature judéo-chrétienne. Les conclusions dégagées permettent de définir précisément le dualisme des Homélies et celui des Reconnaissances, d’identifier des fonctions polémiques et rhétoriques de ce dualisme et de cerner des groupes religieux possiblement alliés et ennemis des Pseudo-Clémentines.