These Fine Lines: Locating Noncitizenship in Political Protest in Europe

Since 2012, refugee protest camps and occupations have been established throughout Europe that contest the exclusion of refugees and asylum seekers, but that also make concrete demands for better living conditions and basic rights. It is a movement that is led by migrants as noncitizens, and so reveals new ways of thinking of the political agency and status of noncitizenship not as simply reactive to an absence of citizenship, but as a powerful and transgressive subjectivity in its own right. This paper argues that we should resist collapsing analysis back into the frameworks of citizenship, and instead be attentive to the politics of presence and solidarity manifest in these protest camps as a way of understanding, and engaging, noncitizen activism.

Gold, power, protest: Digital and social media and protests against large-scale mining projects in Colombia

Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.

From protest to powerlessness : a Marxist analysis of the Ontario NDP /

Using Marxist state theory as an analytical framework, this thesis explains the problems faced by the Ontario New Democratic Party government (1990-1995) in implementing a social democratic agenda. Not only was the government constrained in its ability to implement progressive policy, but it was also pushed to implement a Social Contract (involving legislated wage cuts to public sector employees) that alienated the party's base of support, making it more difficult for the party to organize in the future. Although this study relies predominantly on a reinterpretation of existing research on the topic, some primary research is used in the analysis, including interviews with members of the labour movement and former MPPs and analysis of the news media's treatment of the party/ government. Historical and class analytical perspectives are used to explain the evolution of the ONDP's structure and policies, as well as to assess the relative strength of the working class and its ability to support a social democratic political agenda. It was found that the ONDP' s unwillingness to develop a long term plan for social democracy, and its inability to act as a mass party or to build a strong working class movement, made it more difficult for the party to succeed when it formed the government. Moreover, the class nature of the capitalist state, along with pressure exerted by a well mobilized capitalist class, worked to limit the government' s options.

Public Instrument of Protest

Public Instrument of Protest (1 double-sided handwritten page) by William W. Gillvery and the North West Company against Angus W. Gillis for breaking his agreement with the company, March 26, 1800.

Instrument of Protest from Edward Barrori Palmer

Instrument of protest from Edward Barrori Palmer, Notary Public of Oakville regarding a protest by Samuel Sutherland, Master of the schooner Elizabeth and Charles McEacherin, mate. The schooner belonged to the Port of Niagara. It set sail from Port Credit to the Port of Niagara. On the 15th day of May there was a violent storm. On the 16th day of May, part of the deck and cargo consisting of lumber went overboard. The mainsail was lost and the jib was split due to the wind. All losses and damages should be borne by the merchants and whomever else it concerned and not by or through the insufficiency of the schooner of neglect by the officers and mariners. This is a 2 ½ page handwritten document, May 16, 1837.

Nelson Mandela, a life of protest : unidad didáctica.

Esta unidad didáctica quiere ilustrar cómo se pueden utilizar los acontecimientos de actualidad en la clase de idiomas extranjeros. Está dirigida a alumnos de tercero de BUP, aunque se puede adaptar también a segundo de BUP y COU. Pretende desarrollar en el alumno distintas estrategias de aprendizaje y que sea él mismo quien desempeñe un papel activo en su proceso de aprendizaje, actuando el profesor como guía y facilitador del mismo. Además del que incluye cada lección, se sugiere material complementario que pueda contribuir a la formación de un banco de materiales.

Protest and rebellion in Tudor England, 1489-1601.

Cumple con los requisitos para la especificación OCR AS de Historia, unidad F983 sobre 'Evidencia histórica', opción B. Estudia la reconstrucción de las rebeliones y disturbios en la Inglaterra de los Tudor y a sus lideres y analiza las causas, métodos y reacciones a las protestas. Este recurso incluye actividades para ayudar a la comprensión de su contenido y desarrollar en los estudiantes habilidades con la historia y, además fuentes históricas, debates y controversias, definiciones de palabras nuevas y consejos prácticos para los exámenes.

A 'Kimberley protest': diamond mining, export sanctions, and poverty in Awatia, Ghana

The temporary suspension of diamond exports in Ghana in 2006 and 2007 is arguably the most significant move to address mounting criticisms of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS), an international initiative aimed at stemming the flow of rough diamonds used to finance wars. The ban, which took effect in November 2006, was much praised, particularly in civil society circles, where it continues to be seen as a genuine effort to prevent the smuggling of ‘conflict diamonds’. At the time, Ghana was accused of harbouring stones originating from rebel-held territories in neighbouring Côte d’Ivoire. No evidence was found in support of the case that it was a repository for ‘conflict diamonds’, however, and exports resumed early in March 2007. This article examines the context for the accusations of Ghana’s implication in the smuggling of illicit diamonds, and draws on recent fieldwork to explain how the suspension has affected Akwatia, the country’s main diamondiferous area. The actions taken raise important questions about how suspected violators – particularly smaller diamond-producing nations – of the KPCS should be handled, and underscore how global compacts can have a host of negative repercussions at the village level.