132 resultados para protectionism


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The aim of this article is to explore the recent Bill of Rights debate in the UK. This is deliberately located in the UK’s complex ‘national question’ because of the obsessive focus on achieving a proper grounding for human rights. A new form of national human rights protectionism appears to be emerging and merits careful consideration. The article suggests that it is better to acknowledge and accept the existence of a plurality of nationalisms in the UK in these discussions and understand how an essentially ‘British nationalist’ discourse sounds and works in that overall context. The concern is that the Bill of Rights debate is becoming an inadequate surrogate for the more challenging constitutional conversations that are required, and human rights discourse thus invested with expectations of national renewal that it can never meet and does not have the internal resources to resolve. If the process does go forward it may be better to prepare the ground for a deeper and wider constitutional dialogue across these islands than stumble clumsily and divisively into this territory simply via ‘another’ UK Bill of Rights.

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China is gradually taking its place as a major regulator, exercising concurrent jurisdiction of the national security review along with the US and EU over high-profile cross-border mergers and acquisitions. The National Security Review (NSR) regulatory regime of foreign acquisitions has attracted significant attention recently with the establishment of China's counterpart to the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS). Due to the intensified activities of sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) that are closely linked with states, CFIUS's broad discretion to deal with China's SWF-based investment may have a far-reaching impact on China's implementation of the newly enacted NSR regime. It is essential to design a mechanism that allows SWFs to maximise their positive attributes while safeguarding the apolitical integrity of the marketplace. Any disproportionate use of the NSR regime would inevitably bring about more unintended consequences, such as tit-for-tat protectionism. This represents an imminent threat to the tenuous recovery from the recent economic crisis, largely because of the increasingly intertwined and interdependent nature of the global financial markets. It is of utmost significance to evaluate the extent to which the updated legislation strikes a reasonable balance between preserving genuine national security interests and maintaining an open environment for investment.

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At the formation of the new Republic of Ireland, the construction of new infrastructures was seen as an essential element in the building of the new nation, just as the adoption of international style modernism in architecture was perceived as a way to escape the colonial past. Accordingly, infrastructure became the physical manifestation, the concrete identity of these objectives and architecture formed an integral part of this narrative. Moving between scales and from artefact to context, Infrastructure and the Architectures of Modernity in Ireland 1916-2016 provides critical insights and narratives on what is a complex and hitherto overlooked landscape, one which is often as much international as it is Irish. In doing so, it explores the interaction between the universalising and globalising tendencies of modernisation on one hand and the textures of local architectures on the other.

The book shows how the nature of technology and infrastructure is inherently cosmopolitan. Beginning with the building of the heroic Shannon hydro-electric facility at Ardnacrusha by the German firm of Siemens-Schuckert in the first decade of independence, Ireland became a point of varying types of intersection between imported international expertise and local need. Meanwhile, at the other end of the century, by the year 2000, Ireland had become one of the most globalized countries in the world, site of the European headquarters of multinationals such as Google and Microsoft. Climatically and economically expedient to the storing and harvesting of data, Ireland has subsequently become a repository of digital information farmed in large, single-storey sheds absorbed into anonymous suburbs. In 2013, it became the preferred site for Intel to design and develop its new microprocessor chip: the Galileo. The story of the decades in between, of shifts made manifest in architecture and infrastructure from the policies of economic protectionism, to the opening up of the country to direct foreign investment and the embracing of the EU, is one of the influx of technologies and cultural references into a small country on the edges of Europe as Ireland became both a launch-pad and testing ground for a series of aspects of designed modernity.

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After an open competition, we were selected to commission, curate and design the Irish pavilion for the Venice biennale 2014. Our proposal engage with the role of infrastructure and architecture in the cultural development of the new Irish state 1914-2014. This curatorial programme was realised in a demountable, open matrix pavilion measuring 12 x 5 x 6 metres.

How modernity is absorbed into national cultures usually presupposes an attachment to previous conditions and a desire to reconcile the two. In an Irish context, due to the processes of de-colonisation and political independence, this relationship is more complicated.

In 1914, Ireland was largely agricultural and lacked any significant industrial complex. The construction of new infrastructures after independence in 1921 became central to the cultural imagining of the new nation. The adoption of modernist architecture was perceived as a way to escape the colonial past. As the desire to reconcile cultural and technological aims developed, these infrastructures became both the physical manifestation and concrete identity of the new nation with architecture an essential element in this construct.

Technology and infrastructure are inherently cosmopolitan. Beginning with the Shannon hydro-electric facility at Ardnacrusha (1929) involving the German firm of Siemens-Schuckert, Ireland became a point of various intersections between imported international expertise and local need. By the turn of the last century, it had become one of the most globalised countries in the world, site of the European headquarters of multinationals such as Google and Microsoft. Climatically and economically expedient to the storing and harvesting of data, Ireland has subsequently become an important repository of digital information farmed in large, single-storey sheds absorbed into dispersed suburbs. In 2013, it became the preferred site for Intel to design and develop its new microprocessor board, the Galileo, a building block for the internet of things.

The story of the decades in between, of shifts made manifest in architecture and infrastructure, from the policies of economic protectionism to the embracing of the EU is one of the influx of technologies and cultural references into a small country on the edges of Europe: Ireland as both a launch-pad and testing ground for a series of aspects of designed modernity.

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The general election of 29 October 1924 saw Winston Churchill return to Parliament as Constitutionalist MP for Epping after two years in the political wilderness. It also saw Stanley Baldwin swept back to Number 10 on a Conservative landslide. Speculation about whether Baldwin would cement Churchill’s drift from the Liberal fold by offering him office surfaced during the election campaign. Churchill nevertheless thought ‘it very unlikely that I shall be invited to join the Government, as owing to the size of the majority it will probably be composed only of impeccable Conservatives’. [ 1 ] Because of his anti-socialist credentials, his ability to reassure wavering Liberals through his opposition to protectionism – dropped by Baldwin after its rejection in the 1923 general election – and concern he could prove a rallying point for backbench malcontents, there was however much to commend giving Churchill a post. To his surprise, Baldwin offered Churchill the long-coveted office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, briefly held by his father before his ill-conceived resignation in 1887. Having arranged a meeting with his Labour predecessor, Philip Snowden, about outstanding business the new Chancellor set to work. Marking his political transition, a few days later Churchill resigned from the National Liberal Club.

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This paper addresses the growing difficulties automobile manufacturers face within their after sales business: an increasing number of trade obstacles set up by import countries discriminates against the foreign suppliers and impedes the international sales of genuine parts. The purpose of the study is to explore the emergence of trade restrictive product certification systems, which affect spare parts exports of automobile manufacturers. The methodology used includes review of the literature and an empirical study based on qualitative interviews with representatives of major stakeholders of the automotive after sales business. Relevant key drivers, which initiate the introduction of technical regulations in importing countries, are identified and analysed to evaluate their effect on the emerging trade policy. The analysis of the key drivers outlines that several interacting components, such as the global competitiveness of the country, macroeconomic and microeconomic factors, and certain country-specific variables induce trade restrictive product certification systems. The findings allow for an early detection of the emergence of product certification systems and provide a means to early recognise the risks and opportunities for the sales of automotive spare parts in the automakers’ target markets. This allows the manufacturers to react immediately and adapt in time to the upcoming changes.

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This study sought to determine if and how the Ontario approach to integrating media education into the curriculum can be applied to Chinese education. The study used thematic analyses to identify the Ontario curriculum‘s attributes and approach to teaching media literacy, and to investigate relevant policies and national curriculum standards in Chinese compulsory education to reveal the status quo of Chinese media education. Finally, the study explored the feasibility of applying the Ontario media education model in China. Findings indicate that the Ontario model can be employed in the Chinese context, but only partly so, because current Chinese media education is limited by protectionism and restrictive policies corresponding to the use of media merely as research tools.

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"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit, option droit commercial". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline.

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Les débats économiques au 19e siècle, loin d’être l’apanage du monde universitaire, étaient aux États-Unis un des principaux objets de contentieux entre les partis politiques et ceux-ci trouvaient écho dans la sphère publique. Les journaux étaient alors le principal moyen de communiquer les opinions des différents partis. La présente étude vise à mettre en contexte et cerner la position des écrits du plus important économiste américain de son époque, Henry Charles Carey (1793-1879), reconnu comme tel par J.S. Mill et Karl Marx en leur temps, lors de la décennie de 1850 dans le journal le plus influent de cette période, le New York Tribune. Pour ce faire, il a fallu au préalable identifier les articles non signés de Carey dans le journal, ce qui n’avait auparavant jamais été fait. Au moment d’écrire dans le principal organe américain qui défendait la protection aux États-Unis afin d’industrialiser le pays, Carey était alors le représentant le plus prééminent du système américain d’économie. Ce dernier, fondé sur les écrits d’Alexander Hamilton, prônait l’industrialisation des États-Unis et l’intervention de l’État pour défendre le bien commun, s’opposant ainsi à l’école libérale anglaise basée sur les écrits d’Adam Smith. Conceptuellement, la pensée économique de Carey se situe dans la tradition des Autres Canon, basée sur la production et l’innovation. Ceci le mena à s’opposer avec vigueur tant au malthusianisme qu’à la division internationale du travail, justifiée théoriquement par la thèse de l’avantage comparatif de Ricardo. En effet, dans son analyse, la volonté exprimée au milieu du 19e siècle par l’Angleterre de devenir l’atelier du monde et de faire du reste des nations des producteurs de matières premières sous un régime de libre-échange n’était rien d’autre que la continuation de la politique coloniale par d’autres moyens. Pour Carey, la spécialisation dans l’exportation de matières premières, notamment défendue par les planteurs du Sud des États-Unis, loin d’être bénéfique au pays, était le sûr gage de la pauvreté comme les cas de l’Irlande et de l’Inde le démontraient.

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The unprecedented increase in competition as well as protectionism in world markets makes it imperative for a country like India to get much more energetically involved in the export business and make the dictum "export and flourish" a really true proposition, as against a somewhat passive "export and perish" approach followed during the last three and a half decades. At present, India needs to evolve new export strategies to cope with the changing international scenario and to ensure a steady improvement in the otherwise sagging export performance. A search for such strategic measures becomes all the more important in view of the all-out efforts of the government for expanding the country's exports to tide over the crippling balance of payment deficits and to generate necessary foreign exchange to meet the import requirements for accelerating the tempo of economic development. The present study is an endeavour in this direction. Taking engineering exports as an example, the study demonstrates alternative ways of understanding indepth export performance analysis and learning lessons for better performance in future

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Tanto las industrias legales como ilegales tienen líderez y gerentes. Estas personas al mando deben hacer decisiones estrategicas con el fin de asegurar la rentabilidad de sus negocios. La manera en que ellos toman estas decisiones y las consecuencias de estas mismas son las preguntas que este documento pretende resolver. Haciendo una aplicación general del modelo de Michael Porter, este documento analiza y describe brevemente la configuración de ambos mercados (legal e illegal): es decir las maneras de hacer negocios, las tácticas utilizadas para negociar con los proveedores y compradores, las estrategias para resaltar los beneficios de sus productos frente a los sustitutos, y en general las acciones realizadas para competir, obtener un posicionamiento y porción en el mercado total. El objetivo de este documento no es exaltar las estrategias de los líderes en las industrias ilegales, sino resaltar aquello que los directivos en las industrias legales podrían hacer mejor para mejorar el nombre de los productos colombianos en el exterior.

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Durante la década de 1930 el capitalismo industrial organizó diferentes espacios de la política y la cultura en Colombia. A través del estudio de caso de Coltabaco, se caracterizan tres momentos de los vínculos del capitalismo industrial con la sociedad colombiana. En el primer momento, se la describen los vínculos políticos que hicieron visible diferentes formas de participación política del sector industrial y su relación con las regiones, las instituciones (públicas y privadas) y las elites dominantes, así como se subraya la importancia del mercado interno para la industria del tabaco. En el segundo momento, se caracterizan los vínculos entre Coltabaco y el sector rural a partir de la labor pedagógica de Coltabaco para la producción de la hoja, así mismo, se describen las representaciones del cultivador vinculado a la industria que fueron difundidas en el sector rural; finalmente, los vínculos entre Coltabaco y el sector urbano se analizan en la tensión por la relación mujer-cigarrillo. En el consumo del cigarrillo, el placer femenino se desligó de condicionantes morales e higiénicos, ganando, a través del gusto, una nueva circunstancia para experimentar la subjetividad de la mujer moderna. Los Problemas del Tabaco no se limitaron exclusivamente al espacio de la política económica, también fueron las costumbres campesinas desvinculadas del ritmo de la industria, y las ideas morales e higiénicas que organizaban la costumbre en la relación mujer-cigarrillo.

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In 1982, Greek shipping plunged into a severe crisis: the size of the fleet declined dramatically and over 30% of the fleet was laid-up. catapulting many shipping companies into bankruptcy. The causes of the crisis were: The world recession, leading to regulation, protectionism, subsidization. and the growth of new competition in the tramp shipping market. The erosion of the cost differential between Greek shipping and other maritime nations of the world. The specialization and containerization of the world fleet. The old age and other characteristics of the Greek fleet, which exacerbated the crisis. Greek shipping, with its long history and the expertise, diligence, and supreme opportunism of its dynamic shipowners, will survive the crisis.

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We study the macroeconomic effects of international trade policy by integrating a Hecksher-Ohlin trade model into an optimal-growth framework. The model predicts that a more open economy will have higher factor productivity. Furthermore, there is a "selective development trap," an additional steady state with low income, to which countries may or may not converge, depending on policy. Income at the development trap falls as trade barriers increase. Hence, cross-country differences in barriers to trade may help explain the dispersion of per-capita income observed across countries. The effects are quantified and we show that protectionism can explain a relevant fraction of TFP and long-run income differentials across countries.

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We study the cxtent to which differences in international trade policies contribute to the significant cross-country disparities in macroeconomic performance. In particular, wc concentrate on the effect of protectionism on generating differences in leveIs (of income and of measured total factor productivity), in growth rates (of output, productivity and inputs), in volatility and in trends (or development traps). We document that these rclationships are strong in cross country data, integrate a Hecksher-Ohlin mode! of international trade into the standard macroeconomic modcl to derive those rclationships analytically, and to quantify them. Our results suggest that a large fraction of the cros::; country variations can be attributed to trade policy.