A threshold hypothesis of institutional change: collective action in the Italian Alps during the 13th - 19th centuries.

This dissertation is about collective action issues in common property resources. Its focus is the “threshold hypothesis,” which posits the existence of a threshold in group size that drives the process of institutional change. This hypothesis is tested using a six-century dataset concerning the management of the commons by hundreds of communities in the Italian Alps. The analysis seeks to determine the group size threshold and the institutional changes that occur when groups cross this threshold. There are five main findings. First, the number of individuals in villages remained stable for six centuries, despite the population in the region tripling in the same period. Second, the longitudinal analysis of face-to-face assemblies and community size led to the empirical identification of a threshold size that triggered the transition from informal to more formal regimes to manage common property resources. Third, when groups increased in size, gradual organizational changes took place: large groups split into independent subgroups or structured interactions into multiple layers while maintaining a single formal organization. Fourth, resource heterogeneity seemed to have had no significant impact on various institutional characteristics. Fifth, social heterogeneity showed statistically significant impacts, especially on institutional complexity, consensus, and the relative importance of governance rules versus resource management rules. Overall, the empirical evidence from this research supports the “threshold hypothesis.” These findings shed light on the rationale of institutional change in common property regimes, and clarify the mechanisms of collective action in traditional societies. Further research may generalize these conclusions to other domains of collective action and to present-day applications.

Institutions as key drivers of collective action in WUAs [Water User Associations] of Uzbekistan

This paper presents a multifactor approach for performance assessment of Water Users Associations (WUAs) in Uzbekistan in order to identify the drivers for improved and effi cient performance of WUAs. The study was carried out in the Fergana Valley where the WUAs were created along the South Fergana Main Canal during the last 10 years. The farmers and the employees of 20 WUAs were questioned about the WUAs’ activities and the quantitative and qualitative data were obtained. This became a base for the calculation of 36 indicators divided into 6 groups: Water supply, technical conditions, economic conditions, social and cultural conditions, organizational conditions and information conditions. All the indicators assessed with a differentiated point system adjusted for subjectivity of several of them give the total maximal result for the associations of 250 point. The WUAs of the Fergana Valley showed the score between 145 and 219 points, what refl ects a highly diverse level of the WUAs performance in the region. The analysis of the indicators revealed that the key points of the WUA’s success are the organizational and institutional conditions including the participatory factors and awareness of both the farmers and employees about the work of WUA. The research showed that the low performance of the WUAs is always explained by the low technical and economic conditions along with weak organization and information dissemination conditions. It is clear that it is complicated to improve technical and economic conditions immediately because they are cost-based and cost-induced. However, it is possible to improve the organizational conditions and to strengthen the institutional basis via formal and information institutions which will gradually lead to improvement of economic and technical conditions of WUAs. Farmers should be involved into the WUA Governance and into the process of making common decisions and solving common problems together via proper institutions. Their awareness can also be improved by leading additional trainings for increasing farmers’ agronomic and irrigation knowledge, teaching them water saving technologies and acquainting them with the use of water measuring equipment so it can bring reliable water supply, transparent budgeting and adequate as well as equitable water allocation to the water users.

Wanting to Get More or Protecting One's Assets: Age-Differential Effects of Gain Versus Loss Perceptions on the Willingness to Engage in Collective Action

OBJECTIVES: The present research examined motivational differences across adulthood that might contribute to age-related differences in the willingness to engage in collective action. Two experiments addressed the role of gain and loss orientation for age-related differences in the willingness to engage in collective action across adulthood. METHOD: In Experiment 1, N = 169 adults (20-85 years) were confronted with a hypothetical scenario that involved either an impending increase or decrease of health insurance costs for their respective age group. In Experiment 2, N = 231 adults (18-83 years) were asked to list an advantage or disadvantage they perceived in being a member of their age group. Subsequently, participants indicated their willingness to engage in collective action on behalf of their age group. RESULTS: Both experiments suggest that, with increasing age, people are more willing to engage in collective action when they are confronted with the prospect of loss or a disadvantage. DISCUSSION: The findings highlight the role of motivational processes for involvement in collective action across adulthood. With increasing age, (anticipated) loss or perceived disadvantages become more important for the willingness to participate in collective action.

Political Sociology of Islam Integration: the Role of Liberal Law

In Europe and North America, migration and integration has become a busy subfield of political sociology. Of particular interest in this respect is the integration of Muslims and Islam, which has dominated the debate in Europe. Broadly conceived «political opportunity structures» have received much attention in this context. But the role of liberal law in the integration of Islam has been largely ignored, not by lawyers of course, but by political sociologists who have thus delivered far too negative and truncated pictures of Muslims and Islam in Europe. This is the deficit we sought to redress in Legal Integration of Islam; A Transatlantic Comparison (2013) (co-authored with John Torpey). Some of this study’s main ideas and findings are presented in the following.

Alpine Common Property Institutions under Change: Conditions for Successful and Unsuccessful Collective Action by Alpine Farmers in the Canton of Grisons, Switzerland

The protection and sustainable management of alpine summer pastures has been stated as a goal in Swiss national law since 1996, and direct payments from the state for summer pasturing have been tied to sustainability criteria since 2000. This reflects the increasing value of the alpine cultural landscape as a public good. However, provision of this public good remains in the hands of local farmers and their local common pool resource (CPR) institutions for managing alpine pastures. These institutions are increasingly struggling to maintain their institutional arrangements, particularly regarding the work needed to maintain the pastures. This paper examines two cases of local CPR institutions for managing alpine pastures in the Swiss Canton of Grisons that manifest different institutional developments in light of changing conditions. The differences in how these institutions reacted to change and the impacts this has had on the provision of the CPR are explained by focusing on relative prices, bargaining power, and ideology as drivers of institutional change that are often neglected within common property research. Key words: summer pasture management, institutional change, bargaining power, ideology

La tensión entre las acciones reivindicativas y la proyección política de los sectores populares : Un estudio sobre los límites y las posibilidades de politización de las experiencias recientes de organización popular. El caso del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados de Lanús

El presente plan se propone indagar sobre los procesos de politización de las prácticas y los vínculos sociales de los sectores populares organizados en torno a colectivos de trabajadores desocupados, a partir de las transformaciones políticas y sociales acontecidas en los últimos años. Buena parte de las expectativas y demandas de cambio social suscitadas recientemente se habían depositado en las experiencias de los movimientos piqueteros, en tanto agentes capaces de encarnar prácticas renovadas de organización política y alternativas colectivas de cambio social. Desde su irrupción pública, sin embargo, la literatura académica había advertido sobre las contradicciones que atravesaban a este movimiento social. Una de las dificultades más importantes radicaba en los inconvenientes encontrados por las organizaciones de desocupados para articular políticamente las demandas de subsistencia de sus bases sociales. En el marco de esta propuesta, se interpreta que estas dificultades dan cuenta de una tensión constitutiva que atraviesa al conjunto del movimiento. Esta tensión se expresa en el vínculo problemático entre las dimensiones reivindicativas y las dimensiones políticas de las experiencias piqueteras. En tal sentido, se pretende realizar un balance y una actualización crítica de las alternativas emergentes de construcción política popular, desde la trayectoria de una de las organizaciones de desocupados señaladas como caso ejemplar de renovación política y social. Se tratará, por tanto, de abordar las respuestas articuladas por esta organización a la tensión entre las cuestiones reivindicativas y las cuestiones políticas, en el contexto de las mutaciones producidas recientemente en el escenario político, especialmente a partir de la asunción del gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en el año 2003.

La tensión entre las acciones reivindicativas y la proyección política de los sectores populares : Un estudio sobre los límites y las posibilidades de politización de las experiencias recientes de organización popular. El caso del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados de Lanús

El presente plan se propone indagar sobre los procesos de politización de las prácticas y los vínculos sociales de los sectores populares organizados en torno a colectivos de trabajadores desocupados, a partir de las transformaciones políticas y sociales acontecidas en los últimos años. Buena parte de las expectativas y demandas de cambio social suscitadas recientemente se habían depositado en las experiencias de los movimientos piqueteros, en tanto agentes capaces de encarnar prácticas renovadas de organización política y alternativas colectivas de cambio social. Desde su irrupción pública, sin embargo, la literatura académica había advertido sobre las contradicciones que atravesaban a este movimiento social. Una de las dificultades más importantes radicaba en los inconvenientes encontrados por las organizaciones de desocupados para articular políticamente las demandas de subsistencia de sus bases sociales. En el marco de esta propuesta, se interpreta que estas dificultades dan cuenta de una tensión constitutiva que atraviesa al conjunto del movimiento. Esta tensión se expresa en el vínculo problemático entre las dimensiones reivindicativas y las dimensiones políticas de las experiencias piqueteras. En tal sentido, se pretende realizar un balance y una actualización crítica de las alternativas emergentes de construcción política popular, desde la trayectoria de una de las organizaciones de desocupados señaladas como caso ejemplar de renovación política y social. Se tratará, por tanto, de abordar las respuestas articuladas por esta organización a la tensión entre las cuestiones reivindicativas y las cuestiones políticas, en el contexto de las mutaciones producidas recientemente en el escenario político, especialmente a partir de la asunción del gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en el año 2003.

La tensión entre las acciones reivindicativas y la proyección política de los sectores populares : Un estudio sobre los límites y las posibilidades de politización de las experiencias recientes de organización popular. El caso del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados de Lanús

El presente plan se propone indagar sobre los procesos de politización de las prácticas y los vínculos sociales de los sectores populares organizados en torno a colectivos de trabajadores desocupados, a partir de las transformaciones políticas y sociales acontecidas en los últimos años. Buena parte de las expectativas y demandas de cambio social suscitadas recientemente se habían depositado en las experiencias de los movimientos piqueteros, en tanto agentes capaces de encarnar prácticas renovadas de organización política y alternativas colectivas de cambio social. Desde su irrupción pública, sin embargo, la literatura académica había advertido sobre las contradicciones que atravesaban a este movimiento social. Una de las dificultades más importantes radicaba en los inconvenientes encontrados por las organizaciones de desocupados para articular políticamente las demandas de subsistencia de sus bases sociales. En el marco de esta propuesta, se interpreta que estas dificultades dan cuenta de una tensión constitutiva que atraviesa al conjunto del movimiento. Esta tensión se expresa en el vínculo problemático entre las dimensiones reivindicativas y las dimensiones políticas de las experiencias piqueteras. En tal sentido, se pretende realizar un balance y una actualización crítica de las alternativas emergentes de construcción política popular, desde la trayectoria de una de las organizaciones de desocupados señaladas como caso ejemplar de renovación política y social. Se tratará, por tanto, de abordar las respuestas articuladas por esta organización a la tensión entre las cuestiones reivindicativas y las cuestiones políticas, en el contexto de las mutaciones producidas recientemente en el escenario político, especialmente a partir de la asunción del gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en el año 2003.

"New" Social Movements: Alternative Modernities, (Trans)local Nationalisms, and Solidarity Economies

My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development.

The Electoral Rise of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe: Ideological Parameters and Social Motivations

Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

Lobbying in a transatlantic comparison: opportunity structures and lobbying content in the US and the EU

Despite vast literatures on interest representation in the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), few studies have tried to compare lobbying across the two cases. Those who do are interested primarily in the existence of different lobbying styles and distinguish between an aggressive pressure group approach in the US and a more consensus oriented informational lobbying in the EU. However, the origins of these differences have received little attention and references most often point to different political “cultures” and lobbying traditions. This paper takes issue with this cultural explanation and links the observed lobbying styles with differences in the design of the political institutions that private actors have to interact with. It argues that divided policy authority in the US allows for interest group bargaining while shared policy competencies in the EU constrain not only policy-makers but also lobbyists to adopt a more consensus-oriented approach. The effect of political institutions on the form of lobbying, in turn, can have important implications for the comparison of different policy areas across countries, because the policy stances of private actors cannot always be assumed to be exogenous to the policy process in which they are active.

New Haitian social movements: Alternative modernities, (trans)local nationalisms, and solidarity economies

My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development. ^