987 resultados para political control
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This paper aims to analyze the Constitutionalist Movement in 1932, trying to understand, more specifically, the political end sought by the Front Unique Paulista, on a literal translation, union of the political parties of São Paulo (Republican Party Paulista and Democratic Party). The research is motivated by the need to understand the political project of FUP with the movement and the existing motivations why it was articulated. The comprehension of the constitutionalists' reasons is relevant to understanding the history of the revolution, from its origin to its outcome. Based on literature and its historical analysis, the paper will demonstrate that the Front, with the advent of the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932, had as its main purpose regain political control of the state of São Paulo lost with the revolution of 1930. More than the vaunted concern with the implementation of a new constitution for the nation, the FUP leaders had intended to retrieve the lost power with the movement of 30 and the rise of Getulio Vargas to power. Under a banner to fight for a new constitution and the expected change from a totalitarian and centralized state imposed by Vargas for a more autonomous state, the cause of São Paulo enticed sympathy and support from the community, whose social history always harbored separatist ideas, even that they have never been carried out to its ultimate consequences
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Despite widespread persecution, Orthodox churches not only survived the Cold War period but levels of religiosity in Orthodox countries remained significant. This book examines the often surprising relations between Orthodox churches and political regimes. It provides a comprehensive overview of the dynamics between Eastern Christianity and politics from the end of the Second World War to the fall of communism, covering 40 Orthodox churches including diasporic churches in Africa, Asia, America and Australia. Based on research from recently-opened archives and publications in a wide range of European languages, it analyses church-state relations on both sides of the Iron Curtain. It discusses the following key themes: the relationship between Orthodox churches and political power; religious resistance to communism; the political control of churches; religion and propaganda; monasticism and theological publications; religious diplomacy within the Orthodox commonwealth; and religious contacts between East and West.
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Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar las investigaciones desarrolladas en el campo académico de la Educación Física en Argentina y Brasil basadas en la obra de Michel Foucault. Delimitaremos nuestro análisis del caso brasileño a tres pesquisadores que son, Homero Luis Alves de Lima, Alex Branco Fraga y Luiz Carlos Rigo y en el caso argentino, Ángela Aisenstein, Ricardo Crisorio y Pablo Ariel Scharagrodsky. Mostramos cómo esos trabajos están mayoritariamente referenciados en el segundo "dominio foucaultiano" y que son muy importantes para la denuncia de condiciones como la disciplinarización de los cuerpos y el control biopolítico de la población, sin embargo, el "tercer dominio" foucaultiano no es referenciado. Entendemos que ese dominio sería muy útil para la construcción de una propuesta pedagógica para la Educación Física, más allá del mero criticismo
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Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar las investigaciones desarrolladas en el campo académico de la Educación Física en Argentina y Brasil basadas en la obra de Michel Foucault. Delimitaremos nuestro análisis del caso brasileño a tres pesquisadores que son, Homero Luis Alves de Lima, Alex Branco Fraga y Luiz Carlos Rigo y en el caso argentino, Ángela Aisenstein, Ricardo Crisorio y Pablo Ariel Scharagrodsky. Mostramos cómo esos trabajos están mayoritariamente referenciados en el segundo "dominio foucaultiano" y que son muy importantes para la denuncia de condiciones como la disciplinarización de los cuerpos y el control biopolítico de la población, sin embargo, el "tercer dominio" foucaultiano no es referenciado. Entendemos que ese dominio sería muy útil para la construcción de una propuesta pedagógica para la Educación Física, más allá del mero criticismo
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Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar las investigaciones desarrolladas en el campo académico de la Educación Física en Argentina y Brasil basadas en la obra de Michel Foucault. Delimitaremos nuestro análisis del caso brasileño a tres pesquisadores que son, Homero Luis Alves de Lima, Alex Branco Fraga y Luiz Carlos Rigo y en el caso argentino, Ángela Aisenstein, Ricardo Crisorio y Pablo Ariel Scharagrodsky. Mostramos cómo esos trabajos están mayoritariamente referenciados en el segundo "dominio foucaultiano" y que son muy importantes para la denuncia de condiciones como la disciplinarización de los cuerpos y el control biopolítico de la población, sin embargo, el "tercer dominio" foucaultiano no es referenciado. Entendemos que ese dominio sería muy útil para la construcción de una propuesta pedagógica para la Educación Física, más allá del mero criticismo
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There have been many studies on news production but little has been found about newsroom efficiency despite the fact that this is journalists’ main concern. The very few (mostly foreign) researchers who study Vietnamese media usually look at them from policy making and political-social perspectives, and with an outsider’s eye. They have little physical access, if any, to the media houses, which surely limits their view. Their approach implicitly over-emphasizes the influence of political forces and neglects the media’s own dynamics. This research takes a different approach: from insiders’ point of view. Using two daily newspapers as case studies, this multi-disciplinary ethnographic research seeks to understand the strategies Vietnamese news media employ to cope with the subsidy cuts and increasing competition while still under close political control. A particular focus is on the newsroom operational strategies to improve efficiency. It is found that organizational structure and culture, work climate, motivation and employee satisfaction, leadership and management styles, personnel policies (task requirements vs personal abilities and skills), systems/policies and procedures, and most importantly, communication are the factors that affect the newsroom efficiency, as well as newsroom strategy implementation and results.
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La monografía presenta la auto-organización sociopolítica como la mejor manera de lograr patrones organizados en los sistemas sociales humanos, dada su naturaleza compleja y la imposibilidad de las tareas computacionales de los regímenes políticos clásico, debido a que operan con control jerárquico, el cual ha demostrado no ser óptimo en la producción de orden en los sistemas sociales humanos. En la monografía se extrapola la teoría de la auto-organización en los sistemas biológicos a las dinámicas sociopolíticas humanas, buscando maneras óptimas de organizarlas, y se afirma que redes complejas anárquicas son la estructura emergente de la auto-organización sociopolítica.
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In the early stages of the development of Japan’s environmental policy, sulfur oxide (SOx) emissions, which seriously damage health, was the most important air pollution problem. In the second half of the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s, the measures against SOx emissions progressed quickly, and these emissions were reduced drastically. The most important factor of the reduction was the conversion to a low-sulfur fuel for large-scale fuel users, such as the electric power industry. However, industries started conversion to low-sulfur fuel not due to environmental concerns, but simply to reduce costs. Furthermore, the interaction among the various interests of the electric power industry, oil refineries, the central government, local governments, and citizens over the energy and environmental policies led to the measures against SOx emissions by fuel conversion.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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This article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states` legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences.