929 resultados para political conflict


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Internationally, citizenship education has come to the fore in the past decade. It may be particularly importantwithin the context of societies with a legacy of political conflict, such as Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, where it is being implemented as part of the statutory curriculum. This article explores understandingsof citizenship education among stakeholders in the private and public sectors in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland with the aim to compare these with curricular conceptualizations of citizenship inboth contexts. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in both societies involving non-governmentalorganizations, political parties, trade unions and the police. Results indicated that levels of awareness aboutcitizenship education varied substantially and understandings mainly reflected current theory and curriculumpractice in citizenship. Commonalities emerged as in both societies similar key concepts were identified whiledifferences transpired over issues relating to national identity and political conflict, which may raise questionsfor history and citizenship education in both societies.

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Relatively little research has examined the relations between growing up in a community with a history of protracted violent political conflict and subsequent generations' well-being. The current article examines relations between mothers' self-report of the impact that the historical political violence in Northern Ireland (known, as the Troubles) has on her and her child's current mental health. These relations are framed within the social identity model of stress, which provides a framework for understanding coping responses within societies that have experienced intergroup conflict. Mother-child dyads (N = 695) living in Belfast completed interviews. Results suggest that the mother-reported impact of the Troubles continue to be associated with mothers' mental health, which, in, turn, is associated with her child's adjustment. The strength of mothers' social identity moderated pathways between the impact of the Troubles and her mental health, consistent with the social identity model of stress. (C) 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

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The protective role of strength of group identity was examined for youth in a context of protracted political conflict. Participants included 814 adolescents (Mage = 13.61, SD = 1.99 at Time 1) participating in a longitudinal study in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Utilizing hierarchical linear modeling, the results show that the effect of exposure to sectarian antisocial behaviors has a stronger effect on youth emotion problems for older adolescents. The results also show that youth with higher strength of group identity reported fewer emotion problems in the face of sectarian antisocial behavior but that this buffering effect is stronger for Protestants compared to Catholics. Implications are discussed for understanding the role of social identity in postaccord societies.

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This study examines the influence of social ecological risks within the domains of parenting, family environment, and community in the prediction of educational outcomes for 770 adolescents (49% boys, 51% girls, M = 13.6 years, SD = 2.0) living in a setting of protracted political conflict, specifically working class areas of Belfast, Northern Ireland. Controlling for religious community, age, and gender, youths' lower academic achievement was associated with family environments characterized by high conflict and low cohesion. School behaviour problems were related to greater exposure to community violence, or sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behaviour. Youths' expectations about educational attainment were undermined by conflict in the family environment and antisocial behaviour in the community, as well as parenting low in warmth and behavioural control. Findings underscore the importance of considering family and community contributions to youths' educational outcomes. Suggestions regarding targeted interventions toward promoting resilience are discussed, such as assessing both child and family functioning, developing multidimensional interventions for parents, and building community partnerships, among others.

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Geraint Ellis and Richard Cowell explain the findings of the ‘Delivering renewable energy under devolution’ project, including some reasons for Scotland’s lead.

The UK has seen massive increases in renewable energy since 1998, with installed capacity growing from 2,600 MW to 12,300 MW in 2011. This has coincided with devolution and it is within Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales that the greatest increases have been seen.

As devolved administrations now host half of the UK’s renewable energy capacity, their policies are critical to achieving the broader UK targets. This also provides a fascinating insight into what sort of approach works best, and why. This has been the focus of a two-year study, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, involving universities from across the UK, which indicates that Scotland is leading the way on renewable energy.

All devolved governments have offered significant support to renewable energy but have different degrees of powers in relation to energy. Scotland’s success seems to be based on the centrality of energy issues to current political aspirations, particularly the SNP, but also has cross-party support. The research suggests that the consensus on the importance of renewable energy amongst élite interests in Scotland helps to explain why Scottish governments have been empowered and enabled to make robust use of the powers available.

As it has achieved successful growth in the sector, this too helps cultivate credibility among key business interests and gives increased leverage to its position in policy discussions with the UK Government. Scotland has been more consistent over time in presenting the expansion of renewable energy as a national economic agenda, rather than just an environmental or rural development agenda. The availability of larger, windy, but relatively less contested sites for onshore wind in Scotland has meant that more projects went through central consenting procedures rather than local planning authorities. Its enhanced support for wave and tidal power technologies is also notable. These political conditions have been harder to find in the rest of the UK, making progress a little more uncertain.

Northern Ireland has used its powers (which are more extensive than Scotland’s) to facilitate small-scale renewables and bio-fuel processes, with its liberalised planning regime offering an initial boost to expanding capacity.

This has contrasted with the position in Wales, which has least control over energy but the Welsh Government has adopted a more innovative approach to strategic spatial zoning; this appears to have pulled in a larger volume of onshore wind development interest than could be expected in a comparable region of England. A downside of the Welsh approach appears to be the fact that the concentration of these wind projects in these zones has triggered public opposition and political conflict.

It therefore appears that the powers available to the devolved governments do not seem to determine which country has been able to make greatest headway, with broader political commitments being more significant. Despite this, the research does not conclude that the actions and activities undertaken by the devolved governments are necessarily the most important factors in shaping the development of renewable energy in the UK. This is because devolution is still a relatively new dimension of energy governance in the UK and decisions affecting key drivers for renewable energy investment are still made mainly in Westminster, with the Treasury exercising close budgetary control. In all areas of the UK, grid capacity expansion remains slow to achieve. The major growth in offshore wind to date has been driven mainly by Westminster and cross-UK bodies with the most significant capacity growth being in English territorial waters.

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Given the increase of reconciliation processes initiated amid on-going violence, this study focuses on community reconciliation and its relation to structural transformation, or social reconstruction through reforming unjust institutions and practices that facilitate protracted violent conflict. Drawing lessons from the Caribbean coast of Colombia, mixed method analyses include eight in-depth interviews and 184 surveys. Four key dimensions of reconciliation – truth, justice, mercy, peace – are examined. In the interviews, participants prioritize reconstructing the truth and bringing perpetrators to justice as essential aspects of reconciliation. Notions of mercy and forgiveness are less apparent. For the participants, sustainable peace is dependent on structural transformation to improve livelihoods. These data, however, do not indicate how this understanding of reconciliation may relate to individual participation in reconciliation processes. Complementing the qualitative data, quantitative analyses identify some broad patterns that relate to participation in reconciliation events. Compared to those who did not participate, individuals who engaged in reconciliation initiatives report higher levels of personal experience with violence, live alongside demobilized paramilitaries, are more engaged in civic life, and express greater preference for structural transformation. The paper concludes with policy implications that integrate reconciliation and structural transformation to deepen efforts to rebuild the social fabric amid violence.

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Three sources of urban conflicts are identified: (1) changing state-city relationships; (2) the relationship between the dynamics of capitalist development and cities and (3) the specific dynamics of urban life and the urban environment where the city itself is seen as a causal variable. Two sets of questions cross-cut all three strands. The first addresses how violent conflicts can be regulated, transformed and rendered into more constructive non-violent conflicts through the processes of urban civil society. The second concerns how, why, and where urban conflicts turn violent and with what consequences. In summary cities now rival states as arenas and stakes in political conflict and urban conflicts have increasing transnational and transcultural salience which underlines the necessity for sustained comparative analyis

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This report illuminates the author’s approach, centring on working alongside service users and carers in helping students understand difficult and challenging topics such as the impact of political conflict, social work values and international social work and offers guidance to colleagues in their attempts to meaningfully engage with experiential knowledge.

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En 1963 se publicó el Plan Regional de Belfast. Las autopistas propuestas en el plan transformaron radicalmente el tejido de la ciudad, dejándola prácticamente irreconocible. El conflicto político de las últimas décadas del siglo XX fue un catalizador de estas transformaciones, pero este proceso no es único ni particular de Belfast. Esta presentación explorará la transformación del tejido urbano y humano de Belfast para descubrir los procesos que permitieron la destrucción de la ciudad y sus calles.

The Regional plan for Belfast was first published in 1963. The motorways laid out by the plan radically transformed the fabric of the city, leaving it practically unrecognisable. The political conflict of the last decades of the twentieth century was a catalyst of these transformations, but this process was neither unique nor particular of Belfast. this presentation explores the transformation of the urban and human fabric of Belfast to discover the processes that allowed the destruction of the city and its streets.

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This paper investigates processes and actions of diversifying memories of division in Northern Ireland’s political conflict known as the Troubles. Societal division is manifested in its built fabric and territories that have been adopted by predominant discourses of a fragmented society in Belfast; the unionist east and the nationalist west. The aim of the paper is to explore current approaches in planning contested spaces that have changed over time, leading to success in many cases. The argument is that divided cities, like Belfast, feature spatial images and memories of division that range from physical, clear-cut segregation to manifested actions of violence and have become influential representations in the community’s associative memory. While promoting notions of ‘re-imaging’ by current councils demonstrates a total erasure of the Troubles through cleansing its local collective memory, there yet remains an attempt to communicate a different tale of the city’s socio-economic past, to elaborate its supremacy for shaping future lived memories. Yet, planning Belfast’s contested areas is still suffering from a poor understanding of the context and its complexity against overambitious visions. 

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PROBLÉMATIQUE La violence collective, à travers les guerres civiles et autres conflits politiques violents, constitue un lourd fardeau pour la santé publique. Plus de la moitié des décès causés par l’ensemble des conflits dans le monde entier se trouvent en Afrique. L’une des conséquences est le déplacement massif des populations qui se réfugient vers l’extérieur du pays, mais aussi de plus en plus à l’intérieur des frontières nationales. Ceux qui ne traversent pas sont appelés déplacés internes. Leur état de santé est au moins aussi vulnérable que celui de réfugiés, mais est très peu documenté. De 1993 à 2005, le Burundi a plongé dans une crise politico-sociale sans précédent. En 2001, environ 10 % de la population vivaient dans des camps de déplacés. OBJECTIF Documenter l’état de santé des personnes déplacées par la guerre au Burundi et identifier ses déterminants. CADRE CONCEPTUEL Le cadre conceptuel est basé sur la modélisation de l’association entre les événements traumatiques, les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique et l’état de santé des déplacés internes burundais. MÉTHODE Une enquête transversale a été menée dans deux camps de déplacés au Burundi. Les données ont été obtenues de façon rétrospective sur l’exposition aux événements traumatiques et de manière transversale pour l’état de santé et les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique. Les participants ont été interrogés sur les événements traumatiques vécus personnellement ou par leurs proches selon une courte échelle élaborée à cet effet. De même, les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique ont été documentés. Pour la mesure de l’état de santé, un questionnaire comportant certains des 17 items du profil de santé de Duke a été utilisé. Deux traductions ont été réalisées et plusieurs items ont été adaptés. RÉSULTATS Les événements traumatiques vécus par les déplacés internes burundais sont négativement associés à l’état de santé physique, à l’état de santé sociale, à l’état de santé perçu et, positivement, avec l’incapacité. De même, plusieurs facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique sont associés à l’état de santé. Par contre, certaines associations sont à interpréter selon leurs interactions avec les événements traumatiques. Celles-ci agissent parfois comme modificateurs d’effet, en amortissant ou en amplifiant le lien associatif initial entre certains événements traumatiques et l’état de santé des déplacés. CONCLUSION : Les résultats font ressortir un effet différentiel associé d’une part aux événements traumatiques vécus précédemment et d’autre part, en interaction avec ces derniers, à l’environnement post-traumatique. Notre thèse en arrive à la conclusion que les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique constituent des déterminants importants de l’état de santé des déplacés de guerre.

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À l’été 2010, le gouvernement canadien a annoncé le remplacement du formulaire long obligatoire par l’Enquête nationale auprès des ménages, un questionnaire facultatif. Ce changement a causé beaucoup de réactions, parce que cela affectera la qualité et la continuité des données recueillies, qui servent à appliquer différents programmes et lois, et qui sont utilisées par de nombreux groupes dans leurs fonctions de recherche et de représentation. Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de comprendre pourquoi le recensement devient parfois le centre d’un conflit politique, quels acteurs sont impliqués, et pour quelles raisons. À l’aide d’une analyse comparative de cas antérieurs dans différents pays, nous identifions trois éléments nécessaires pour que la méthodologie du recensement devienne un enjeu politique. Il s’agit de la présence: (1) d’un aspect identitaire; (2) d’une dimension idéologique qui concerne particulièrement le rôle de l’État et l’action positive; et (3) de programmes ou d’objectifs gouvernementaux qui dépendent directement des données du recensement. Pour évaluer si ces trois facteurs sont également présents au Canada en 2010, nous avons effectué des entrevues avec les groupes qui ont contesté la décision de l’annulation du formulaire long obligatoire. Ces groupes ont contesté la décision devant les tribunaux, et ont évoqué les risques de non-respect du gouvernement envers ses obligations légales, notamment envers la Charte des droits et libertés. L’analyse de ce conflit nous permet aussi d’évaluer les relations entre le gouvernement canadien et la société civile, et le manque de ressources et d’opportunités auquel font face les groupes d’intérêt et les représentants de minorités à la recherche d’équité.

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La obsolescencia programada es el deseo de tener algo un poco más nuevo, un poco mejor, un poco más rápido de lo necesario. El texto estudia este fenómeno a la luz del Estatuto del Consumidor – Ley 1480 de 2011 para determinar si el consumidor colombiano está suficientemente protegido con él.

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El proyecto de Código de Ética Judicial, que emerge de la convocatoria de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación (2004) y promueve una reforma judicial, es analizado desde un diagnóstico que enfatiza el carácter cultural de causas sistémicas de la crisis político-económica de diciembre 2001 en Argentina, donde la matriz institucional y los mecanismos de selección/financiamiento de los partidos políticos destacan la presencia de “clientelismo” y “corrupción”, determinando –con la “anomia social”– la llamada “corrupción gris”. Tales variables definen un patrón cultural de “labilidad” en los límites entre lo permitido-no permitido y lo ético-no ético.Desde los años noventa, la tendencia a judicializar el conflicto político, y una Magistratura con ausencia de debate interno y de activismo judicial, tornaron oportuno analizarla desde cinco ejes temáticos: 1) el debate orgánico dado en la Magistratura; 2) el marco general legislativo; 3) la Magistratura como exponente de valores culturales; 4) la transferencia de responsabilidades del ámbito político al judicial; 5) la mediatización de la labor del juez.De las conclusiones deviene crucial este enfoque que indaga las características de esta herramienta que la propia corporación judicial le propone a la sociedad: el Código de Ética Judicial.-----The Code of Judicial Ethics bill, which has emerged from the Argentine Supreme Court call in 2004 and which promotes a judicial reform, will be analized here from a point of view emphasizing the cultural nature of the general cause of the political and financial crisis that took place in December 2001 in Argentina, where the institutional matrix and the political parties’ mechanisms for selecting candidates and raising funds for campaign financing show that there exists a kind of ‘clientism’ and ‘corruption’, which brings about –within a state of ‘social anomy’– the so-called ‘grey corruption.’ These variables define a cultural pattern which is characterized by a ‘general state of uncertainty’ when it comes to deciding what is allowed or not allowed, and what is ethical or unethical.The tendency present since the nineties to judicialize the political conflict, together with a judiciary where there is neither internal debate nor judicial activism, have both made it appropriate to analize this matter from five points of discussion: (1) the internal debate in the judiciary; (2) the general legislative framework; (3) the judiciary as an exponent of cultural values; (4) the handing over of responsibilities from the political sphere to the judicial one; and (5) the media interfering with the judge’s work.From the resultant conclusions, we will infer that this approach becomes crucial, an approach that looks into the features of this tool that the judiciary itself proposes to the society: the Code of Judicial Ethics.

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El propósito de la presente monografía es determinar la relación entre la degradación y navegación en los Grandes Lagos en la noción de seguridad ambiental de Estados Unidos y Canadá en un entorno de interdependencia entre 1995 - 2000. En ese sentido, se busca determinar como los recursos de poder de Canadá y Estados Unidos en la relación degradación-navegación transforma la noción de seguridad ambiental. De este modo, se analiza el concepto de seguridad ambiental desde la navegación, elemento esencial para entender la relación bilateral dentro del sistema de los Grandes Lagos. Esta investigación de tipo cualitativo que responde a las variables de la seguridad ambiental planteadas por Barry Buzan, Thomas Homer-Nixon, y Stephan Libiszewski, y a la teoría de la Interdependencia Compleja por Robert Keohane y Joseph Nye, pretende avanzar hacia la complejización de la dimensión ambiental lejos de la tradicional definición antropocéntrica.