51 resultados para pastoralists
Resumo:
Rangelands store about 30% of the world’s carbon and support over 120 million pastoralists globally. Adjusting the management of remote alpine pastures bears a substantial climate change mitigation potential that can provide livelihood support for marginalized pastoralists through carbon payment. Landless pastoralists in Northern Pakistan seek higher income by cropping potatoes and peas over alpine pastures. However, tilling steep slopes without terracing exposes soil to erosion. Moreover, yields decline rapidly requiring increasing fertilizer inputs. Under these conditions, carbon payment could be a feasible option to compensate pastoralists for renouncing hazardous cropping while favoring pastoral activities. The study quantifies and compares C on cropped and grazed land. The hypothesis was that cropping on alpine pastures reduces former carbon storage. The study area located in the Naran valley of the Pakistani Himalayas receives an annual average of 819 mm of rain and 764 mm of snow. Average temperatures remain below 0°C from November to March while frost may occur all year round. A total of 72 soil core samples were collected discriminating land use (cropping, pasture), aspect (North, South), elevation (low 3000, middle 3100, and high 3200 m a.s.l.), and soil depth (shallow 0-10, deep 10-30 cm). Thirty six biomass samples were collected over the same independent variables (except for soil depth) using a 10x10x20 cm steal box inserted in the ground for each sample. Aboveground biomass and coarse roots were separated from the soil aggregate and oven-dried. Soil organic carbon (SOC) and biomass carbon (BC) were estimated through a potassium dichromate oxidation treatment. The samples were collected during the second week of October 2010 at the end of the grazing and cropping season and before the first snowfall. The data was statistically analyzed by means of a one-way analysis of variance. Results show that all variables taken separately have a significant effect on mean SOC [%]: crop/pasture 1.33/1.6, North/South 1.61/1.32, low/middle/high 1.09/1.62/1.68, shallow/deep 1.4/1.53. However, for BC, only land use has a significant effect with more than twice the amount of carbon in pastures [g m-2]: crop/pasture 127/318. These preliminary findings suggest that preventing the conversion of pastures into cropping fields in the Naran valley avoids an average loss of 12.2 t C ha-1 or 44.8 t CO2eq ha-1 representing a foreseeable compensation of 672 € ha-1 for the Naran landless pastoralists who would renounce cropping. The ongoing study shall provide a complete picture for carbon payment integrating key aspects such as the rate of cropping encroachment over pastures per year, the methane leakage from the system due to livestock enteric fermentation, the expected cropping income vs. livestock income and the transaction costs of implementing the mitigation project, certifying it, and verifying carbon credits. A net present value over an infinite time horizon for the mitigation scenario shall be estimated on an iterative simulation to consider weather and price uncertainties. The study will also provide an estimate of the minimum price of carbon at which pastoralists would consider engaging in the mitigation activity.
Resumo:
Famines are often linked to drought in semi-arid areas of Sub-Saharan Africa where not only pastoralists, but also increasingly agro-pastoralists are affected. This study addresses the interplay between drought and famine in the rural semi-arid areas of Makueni district, Kenya, by examining whether, and how crop production conditions and agro-pastoral strategies predispose smallholder households to drought-triggered food insecurity. If this hypothesis holds, then approaches to deal with drought and famine have to target factors causing household food insecurity during non-drought periods. Data from a longitudinal survey of 127 households, interviews, workshops, and daily rainfall records (1961–2003) were analysed using quantitative and qualitative methods. This integrated approach confirms the above hypothesis and reveals that factors other than rainfall, like asset and labour constraints, inadequate policy enforcement, as well as the poverty-driven inability to adopt risk-averse production systems play a key role. When linking these factors to the high rainfall variability, farmer-relevant definitions and forecasts of drought have to be applied.
Resumo:
The Contested Floodplain tells the story of institutional changes in the management of common pool resources (pasture, wildlife, and fisheries) among Ila and Balundwe agro-pastoralists and Batwa fishermen in the Kafue Flats, in southern Zambia. It explains how and why a once rich floodplain area, managed under local common property regimes, becomes a poor man’s place and a degraded resource area. Based on social anthropological field research, the book explains how well working institutions in the past, regulating communal access to resources, have turned into state property and open access or privatization. The study focuses on the historic developments taking place since pre-colonial and colonial times up to today. Haller shows how the commons had been well regulated by local institutions in the past, often embedded in religious belief systems. He then explains the transformation from common property to state property since colonial times. When the state is unable to provide well-functioning institutions due to a lack in financial income, it contributes to de facto open access and degradation of the commons. The Zambian copper-based economy has faced crisis since 1975, and many Zambians have to look for economic alternatives and find ways to profit from the lack of state control (a paradox of the present-absent state). And while the state is absent, external actors use the ideology of citizenship to justify free use of resources during conflicts with local people. Also within Zambian communities, floodplain resources are highly contested, which is illustrated through conflicts over a proposed irrigation scheme in the area.
Resumo:
Using drought as a lens, this article analyses how agro-pastoralists in Makueni district, Kenya adapt their livestock production to climate variability and change. Data were collected from a longitudinal survey of 127 agro-pastoral households. Approximately one-third of the households have inadequate feeds, and livestock diseases are major challenges during non-drought and drought periods. Agro-pastoralists’ responses to drought are reactive and mainly involve intensifying exploitation of resources and the commons. Proactive responses such as improving production resources are few. Poverty, limited responses to market dynamics and inadequate skills constrain adaptations. Many agro-pastoralists’ attachment to livestock deters livestock divestment, favouring disadvantageous sales that result in declining incomes. To improve adaptive capacity, interventions should expose agro-pastoralists to other forms of savings, incorporate agro-pastoralists as agents of change by building their capacity to provide extension services, and maintain infrastructure. Securing livestock mobility, pasture production and access is crucial under the variable social-ecological conditions.
Resumo:
Despite the important role that pastoralism plays in supporting rural livelihoods, national economy and diverse ecological services, its capacity to adapt to change is facing many challenges including adverse policy, pastoral-farmer conflicts and recently, adverse climate change. The recurring conflicts between the two groupings are rather a result of a reaction by a community which has been marginalized over the years. A survey to analyze conflicts, institutional frameworks, policies, laws and regulations governing NRs utilization by pastoral and farmers was conducted in the Lake Rukwa Basin in 2008. The study noted violent conflicts and their causes, including the scarcity of NRs, poor local institutional frameworks and deeper socio-cultural aspects among pastoralists and farmers. The conflicts have become major impediments to the developmental activities in the study areas, to a degree that requires intervention. This, therefore, calls for reorganization of local institutional framework, policies, laws and regulations and participatory planning and co-management of NRs as part of conflicts management and sustainable utilization of them. Key words: Policies, Natural Resources, Conflicts, Pastoralism, Institutional frameworks
Resumo:
More than 40 years after the agrarian reform, Peru is experiencing a renewed process of concentration of land ownership in the hands of large-scale investors, favoring the development of a sugar cane production cluster along the northern coast. The expansion of the agricultural frontier by means of large irrigation projects – originally developed to benefit medium- and small-scale farmers – is carried out today in order to be sold to large-scale investors for the production of export crops. In the region of Piura the increasing presence of large-scale biofuel investors puts substantial pressure on land and water resources, not only changing the use of and access to land for local communities, but also generating water shortages vis-à-vis the multiple water demands of local food producers. The changes in land relations and the agro-ecosystem, the altering food production regime as well as the increasing proletarization of smallholders, is driving many locals – even those which (initially) welcomed the investment – into resistance activities against the increasing control of land, water and other natural resources in the hands of agribusinesses. The aim of this presentation is to discuss the contemporary political, social and cultural dynamics of agrarian change along the northern Peruvian coast as well as the «reactions from below» emanating from campesino communities, landless laborers, brick producers, pastoralists as well as other marginalized groups. The different strategies, forms and practices of resistance with the goal of the «protection of the territory» shall be explored as well as the reasons for their rather scattered occurrence and the lack of alliances on the land issue. This input shall make a contribution to the on-going debate on individual and communal property rights and the question of what is best in terms of collective defense against land grabbing.
Resumo:
En la siguiente investigación analizamos uno de los aspectos menos conocidos de la historia rural bonaerense: los ejidos de los pueblos de campaña. Estos espacios se conformaron a medida que la colonización avanzaba, primero de manera espontánea y luego por iniciativa estatal, con el objetivo de asentar a los pobladores alrededor de los centros poblados y fomentar el cultivo. Así, a diferencia de otros espacios de colonización española, los ejidos constituyeron las áreas donde se establecieron los solares, las quintas y las chacras. La historiografía tradicional reparó muy poco en ellos y cuando lo hizo, fue desde una óptica que contraponía la primera parte del siglo XIX con la expansión posterior a Pavón. Dentro de esta lógica, los pueblos rurales fueron descriptos como espacios rudimentarios y sus habitantes casi no fueron tenidos en cuenta puesto que la mirada centrada en la "estancia" opacó cualquier interés sobre los labradores y pastores que habitaban en estos espacios. En contrapartida, el período posterior fue caracterizado como de despegue de la economía exportadora y desarrollo de las instituciones. Desde ese momento los poblados habrían cobrado nueva vida convirtiéndose en importantes núcleos de población incentivados por la llegada de la inmigración. Para desandar estos supuestos, estudiamos específicamente la historia del ejido de la Guardia de Luján (Mercedes) desde el momento en que se creó el fuerte hasta 1870. Cada uno de los capítulos se estructuró en torno a núcleos problemáticos generales que fueron abordados desde lo local: la propiedad, los labradores, el mercado de tierras, la estructura productiva y la construcción del estado. El estudio demuestra la imposibilidad de definir la estructura productiva de un partido completamente sin tener en cuenta a los ejidos puesto que se puede incurrir en generalizaciones erróneas. Además, el período abarcado y los temas seleccionados permitieron reconocer los cambios y continuidades que se produjeron en estos espacios durante la transición a la Argentina Moderna.
Resumo:
En la siguiente investigación analizamos uno de los aspectos menos conocidos de la historia rural bonaerense: los ejidos de los pueblos de campaña. Estos espacios se conformaron a medida que la colonización avanzaba, primero de manera espontánea y luego por iniciativa estatal, con el objetivo de asentar a los pobladores alrededor de los centros poblados y fomentar el cultivo. Así, a diferencia de otros espacios de colonización española, los ejidos constituyeron las áreas donde se establecieron los solares, las quintas y las chacras. La historiografía tradicional reparó muy poco en ellos y cuando lo hizo, fue desde una óptica que contraponía la primera parte del siglo XIX con la expansión posterior a Pavón. Dentro de esta lógica, los pueblos rurales fueron descriptos como espacios rudimentarios y sus habitantes casi no fueron tenidos en cuenta puesto que la mirada centrada en la "estancia" opacó cualquier interés sobre los labradores y pastores que habitaban en estos espacios. En contrapartida, el período posterior fue caracterizado como de despegue de la economía exportadora y desarrollo de las instituciones. Desde ese momento los poblados habrían cobrado nueva vida convirtiéndose en importantes núcleos de población incentivados por la llegada de la inmigración. Para desandar estos supuestos, estudiamos específicamente la historia del ejido de la Guardia de Luján (Mercedes) desde el momento en que se creó el fuerte hasta 1870. Cada uno de los capítulos se estructuró en torno a núcleos problemáticos generales que fueron abordados desde lo local: la propiedad, los labradores, el mercado de tierras, la estructura productiva y la construcción del estado. El estudio demuestra la imposibilidad de definir la estructura productiva de un partido completamente sin tener en cuenta a los ejidos puesto que se puede incurrir en generalizaciones erróneas. Además, el período abarcado y los temas seleccionados permitieron reconocer los cambios y continuidades que se produjeron en estos espacios durante la transición a la Argentina Moderna.
Resumo:
アフリカの乾燥・半乾燥地域では近年、干ばつや集中豪雨といった自然災害の発生頻度が高くなっている。そのため、30年以上にわたって食料援助に頼ってきた干ばつ対策の限界が指摘され、この地域に暮らす牧畜民の食料安全保障の確立が重要課題となった。本稿は、北ケニアのレンディーレ社会における食料確保をめぐる地域セーフティネットの分析をとおして牧畜社会の食料安全保障を考察した。その結果、牧畜民は唯一の生計維持手段である家畜飼養を高い移動性をもつ放牧キャンプで行なう一方、町の商人との信頼関係にもとづくつけ買いで農産物を確保し、さらに集落における相互扶助を重視した食料分配によって食料の安定確保を実現していることが明らかになった。自然災害に対応できる食料安全保障を確立するためには、このような地域セーフティネットに災害の予防・対応能力をもたせ、地域全体の食料生産・流通・利用を強化していくことが重要である。
Resumo:
The comparison of malaria indicators among populations that have different genetic backgrounds and are uniformly exposed to the same parasite strains is one approach to the study of human heterogeneities in the response to the infection. We report the results of comparative surveys on three sympatric West African ethnic groups, Fulani, Mossi, and Rimaibé, living in the same conditions of hyperendemic transmission in a Sudan savanna area northeast of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. The Mossi and Rimaibé are Sudanese negroid populations with a long tradition of sedentary farming, while the Fulani are nomadic pastoralists, partly settled and characterized by non-negroid features of possible caucasoid origin. Parasitological, clinical, and immunological investigations showed consistent interethnic differences in Plasmodium falciparum infection rates, malaria morbidity, and prevalence and levels of antibodies to various P. falciparum antigens. The data point to a remarkably similar response to malaria in the Mossi and Rimaibé, while the Fulani are clearly less parasitized, less affected by the disease, and more responsive to all antigens tested. No difference in the use of malaria protective measures was demonstrated that could account for these findings, and sociocultural or environmental factors do not seem to be involved. Known genetic factors of resistance to malaria did not show higher frequencies in the Fulani. The differences in the immune response were not explained by the entomological observations, which indicated substantially uniform exposure to infective bites. The available data support the existence of unknown genetic factors, possibly related to humoral immune responses, determining interethnic differences in the susceptibility to malaria.
Resumo:
A new set of European genetic data has been analyzed to dissect independent patterns of geographic variation. The most important cause of European genetic variation has been confirmed to correspond to the migration of Neolithic farmers from the area of origin of agriculture in the Middle East. The next most important component of genetic variation is apparently associated with a north-south gradient possibly due to adaptation to cold climates but also to the differentiation of the Uralic and the Indo-European language-speaking people; however, the relevant correlations are not significantly different from zero after elimination of the spatial autocorrelation. The third component is highly correlated with the infiltration of the Yamna ("Kurgan") people, nomadic pastoralists who domesticated the horse and who have been claimed to have spread Indo-European languages to Europe; this association, which is statistically significant even when taking spatial autocorrelations into account, does not completely exclude the hypothesis of Indo-European as the language of Neolithic farmers. It is possible that both expansions were responsible for the spread of different subfamilies of Indo-European languages, but our genetic data cannot resolve their relative importance.
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Australasian pastoralists' review.
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Optimal intertemporal investment behaviour of Australian pastoralists is modelled using panel data for the period 1979-1993. Results indicate that quasi-fixity of inputs of labour, capital, sheep numbers and cattle numbers is characteristic of production in the pastoral region. It takes about two years for labour, four years for capital and a little over two years for both sheep numbers and cattle numbers to adjust towards long-run optimal levels. Results also indicate that, after accounting for adjustment costs, own-price product supply and input demand responses are inelastic in both the short and long run.
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Peer reviewed
Resumo:
Peer reviewed