Analysis of the upcoming Modernisation of the Trade Pillar of the European Union-Mexico Global Agreement

Study for the EU Parliament co-authored by Rodrigo Polanco: The 1997 Global Agreement between the EC and its Member States and Mexico, together with the set of decisions taken in its framework, has been effective, and thus modifications of the agreement are mainly motivated by changes in the global landscape since it was first enacted. Therefore, broad considerations on how the European Union (EU) trade policy is shaped are extremely relevant for the upcoming negotiations with Mexico. In this context, the needs and expectations, both from the EU and Mexico, regarding any further agreements are examined, focusing in particular on areas beyond trade in goods and services such as procurement, investment, and regulatory cooperation. It is argued that the 'old' Association Agreements should be taken as models for any modifications, given their emphasis on EU-specific issues and their ability to accommodate the needs of Mexico in any deepened agreement.

La modernisation de Tunis : un urbanisme et une architecture d’État au miroir d’une anthologie de la percée dans la médina (1881-1987)

Cette thèse traite de quelques moments clés dans l’histoire urbaine et architecturale moderne de la ville de Tunis. Elle les aborde conjointement à la problématique du percement de son noyau historique : la médina, née d’un projet de modernisation urbaine lancé par les beys de Tunis à la fin du XIXe siècle, poursuivi par le protectorat français de 1881 à 1956, puis par le gouvernement indépendant de 1956 à 1987. Partant, la recherche est répartie sur trois temps avec, au centre, le projet de la percée dite de la Casbah adopté par le Président Bourguiba à la fin de 1959. Pour plusieurs raisons, ce moment est cité rapidement dans la littérature malgré son importance dans la compréhension du visage actuel de la capitale tunisienne. Pour le saisir, on a dû retourner aux premières tentatives de percement de la médina de Tunis par le colonisateur français en 1887. Puis, on s’est progressivement approché de l’ancêtre direct de la percée bourguibienne paru sur le Plan directeur de Tunis en 1948. De ce premier temps, on a mis en valeur les stratégies coloniales dans leur gestion du territoire et leur rapport au processus de valorisation/dévalorisation du patrimoine issu de la civilisation arabo-islamique. Le second temps, qui correspond au plan de décolonisation mené par l’État indépendant dès 1955, est marqué par le lancement d’un « concours international ouvert pour une étude d’aménagement de la ville de Tunis » organisé par le Secrétariat d’État aux travaux publics en collaboration avec l’Union internationale des architectes. L’étude de cet événement et du colloque qui l’a suivi a ôté le voile sur ses raisons d’être politico-économiques que dissimulaient les usuels soucis de l’hygiène, de la circulation et de l’embellissement du Grand Tunis. Pour appuyer davantage ces constats, un troisième et dernier temps a été dédié au chantier de Tunis au lendemain du concours. L’accent mis sur les lieux symboliques du pouvoir et le désir obsessif des autorités à se les approprier ont réduit ce chantier à une redistribution concertée des symboles de la souveraineté nationale dans le but de centraliser et de personnifier le pouvoir en place. Le présent travail se situe dans le cadre des études postcoloniales et projette un regard critique sur la décolonisation en rapport avec ce qu’on a taxé d’urbanisme d’État. Propulsé par une certaine perception de la modernité, cet urbanisme est indissociable d’une instrumentalisation politique qui met l’accent sur les questions identitaires et patrimoniales, insiste sur la rupture avec le passé et tend à écarter l’opinion publique des questions inhérentes à l’aménagement du territoire et à la sauvegarde de la mémoire collective. En procédant par une analyse contextuelle de faits historiques et une lecture typomorphologique de la percée de la Casbah, cette recherche attire l’attention sur l’ampleur de certaines décisions gouvernementales concernant l’aménagement de l’espace urbain et la conservation de l’héritage architectural à court, moyen et long termes. Elle renseigne aussi sur le rôle des collectivités, de l’élite et des professionnels dans la canalisation de ces décisions pour ou contre leur droit à la ville.

Under the veneer of decentralisation. Ukraine's modernisation efforts stall due to lack of local government reform. OSW Commentary No. 102, 2013-02-12

President Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions have been repeating the pledge to decentralise power in Ukraine and to give local government a greater decision-making role ever since the party appeared on the Ukrainian political scene. The implementation of this reform is crucial both for the economic recovery of Ukraine’s regions and the overall modernisation efforts of the Ukrainian state. At present relations between central government and the regions are regulated by Soviet-era legislation that fails to address the modern-day challenges facing Ukraine. The political elite in the country, including the opposition, appear to have reached consensus on the importance of the decentralisation reform. The first attempts to implement changes in this area were made in the late 1990s, followed by a comprehensive reform programme developed between 2007 and 2009 by Yulia Tymoshenko’s government. In 2012, the Constitutional Assembly under the President of Ukraine appointed a team of experts who drafted a document detailing the reform of local government and the territorial organisation of power1. The document envisages the implementation of what effectively are two major reforms: (1) an administrative-territorial reform, which would help consolidate the fragmented administrative structure, creating larger and more economically self-sufficient administrative units, and (2) local government reform, focusing on creating clearly defined powers for local authorities with a view to securing government funding for specific tasks delegated from central government. Nonetheless, despite these measures, and in spite of the rhetoric coming from President Yanukovych and other members of the Party of Regions, it seems unlikely that the reform will be implemented in the foreseeable future. A series of concrete political decisions taken by the president over the past three years indicate that Yanukovych has not abandoned his plan to build a highly centralised political system. This in turn limits the capacity to govern of local authorities and further restricts the sources of funding for Ukraine’s regions. This apparent resistance to change stems from the fact that by implementing the proposed reforms, the president and his political allies would be forced to relinquish much of their control over the political processes taking place in the country and would have to free up the distribution of budgetary resources between Kyiv and the regions. The implementation of the reform within the specified timeframe (i.e. by 2015) is also unlikely due to the upcoming presidential election and the deteriorating economic situation in Ukraine. Without a comprehensive reform of local government, however, Ukraine will be unable to undertake effective modernisation measures, which are key for the socio-economic development of the country’s regions.

Foreign policy at the service of modernisation: old wine in a new wineskin. OSW Commentary No. 39, 2010-08-31

Russia’s contacts with the external world over the past year have been characterised by a gradual improvement in its relations with the West, as well as the use of non-confrontational rhetoric, the most far-reaching example of which was the address President Dmitri Medvedev gave to Russian ambassadors this July. In an attempt to harmonise foreign policy with the widely propagated programme for the modernisation of Russia1 President Medvedev presented a vision of the Russian Federation as a responsible global power which is open to co-operation. According to this vision, Russian foreign policy would help to attract foreign investments and technologies. The West was presented as a partner, not a rival. Both this rhetoric and the atmosphere of co-operation in relations with the USA and the EU contrast with the assertive and aggressive Russian policy which was symbolised by and culminated in the Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008. The changes observed in Russian foreign policy are quite limited, and are not constructing a new external strategy. Those changes are rather an attempt to find more efficient ways to implement old strategic goals. The new image of a responsible global power is inconsistent, and Russian policy is still assertive and geopolitically motivated. Although a new rhetoric is really in place, the Russian political elite’s perception of their country’s place and role in the contemporary international order remains unchanged. Moscow’s readiness to become engaged in genuine co-operation with the West has not increased significantly; it is still to a great extent declarative in nature.

An appropriated state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation. OSW COMMENTARY 168, 22.04.2015,

From the Introduction. There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).

A captured state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation. OSW Commentary No. 168, 22 April 2015

There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).

La modernisation de Tunis : un urbanisme et une architecture d’État au miroir d’une anthologie de la percée dans la médina (1881-1987)

Cette thèse traite de quelques moments clés dans l’histoire urbaine et architecturale moderne de la ville de Tunis. Elle les aborde conjointement à la problématique du percement de son noyau historique : la médina, née d’un projet de modernisation urbaine lancé par les beys de Tunis à la fin du XIXe siècle, poursuivi par le protectorat français de 1881 à 1956, puis par le gouvernement indépendant de 1956 à 1987. Partant, la recherche est répartie sur trois temps avec, au centre, le projet de la percée dite de la Casbah adopté par le Président Bourguiba à la fin de 1959. Pour plusieurs raisons, ce moment est cité rapidement dans la littérature malgré son importance dans la compréhension du visage actuel de la capitale tunisienne. Pour le saisir, on a dû retourner aux premières tentatives de percement de la médina de Tunis par le colonisateur français en 1887. Puis, on s’est progressivement approché de l’ancêtre direct de la percée bourguibienne paru sur le Plan directeur de Tunis en 1948. De ce premier temps, on a mis en valeur les stratégies coloniales dans leur gestion du territoire et leur rapport au processus de valorisation/dévalorisation du patrimoine issu de la civilisation arabo-islamique. Le second temps, qui correspond au plan de décolonisation mené par l’État indépendant dès 1955, est marqué par le lancement d’un « concours international ouvert pour une étude d’aménagement de la ville de Tunis » organisé par le Secrétariat d’État aux travaux publics en collaboration avec l’Union internationale des architectes. L’étude de cet événement et du colloque qui l’a suivi a ôté le voile sur ses raisons d’être politico-économiques que dissimulaient les usuels soucis de l’hygiène, de la circulation et de l’embellissement du Grand Tunis. Pour appuyer davantage ces constats, un troisième et dernier temps a été dédié au chantier de Tunis au lendemain du concours. L’accent mis sur les lieux symboliques du pouvoir et le désir obsessif des autorités à se les approprier ont réduit ce chantier à une redistribution concertée des symboles de la souveraineté nationale dans le but de centraliser et de personnifier le pouvoir en place. Le présent travail se situe dans le cadre des études postcoloniales et projette un regard critique sur la décolonisation en rapport avec ce qu’on a taxé d’urbanisme d’État. Propulsé par une certaine perception de la modernité, cet urbanisme est indissociable d’une instrumentalisation politique qui met l’accent sur les questions identitaires et patrimoniales, insiste sur la rupture avec le passé et tend à écarter l’opinion publique des questions inhérentes à l’aménagement du territoire et à la sauvegarde de la mémoire collective. En procédant par une analyse contextuelle de faits historiques et une lecture typomorphologique de la percée de la Casbah, cette recherche attire l’attention sur l’ampleur de certaines décisions gouvernementales concernant l’aménagement de l’espace urbain et la conservation de l’héritage architectural à court, moyen et long termes. Elle renseigne aussi sur le rôle des collectivités, de l’élite et des professionnels dans la canalisation de ces décisions pour ou contre leur droit à la ville.

The role of migration in urban transition : studies of the relationship between migration and modernisation for Brisbane and Stockholm

Wilbur Zelinsky formulated a Hypothesis of Mobility Transition in 1971,in which he tried to relate all aspects of mobility to the Demographic Transition and modernisation. This dissertation applies the theoretical framework, proposed by Zelinsky and extended to encompass a family of transitions, to understand migration patterns of city regions. The two city regions, Brisbane and Stockholm, are selected as case studies, representing important city regions of similar size, but drawn from contrasting historical settings. A comparison of the case studies with the theoretical framework aims to determine how the relative contributions of net migration, the source areas of migrants, and the migration intensity change with modernisation. In addition, the research also aims to identify aspects of modernisation affecting migration. These aspects of migration are analysed with a "historical approach" and a "multivariate approach". An extensive investigation into the city regions' historical background provides the source, from which evidence for a relationship between migration and modernisation is extracted. With this historical approach, similarities and differences in migration patterns are identified. The other research approach analyse multivariate data, from the last two decades, on migration flows and modernisation. Correlations between migration and key aspects of modernisation are tested with multivariate regression, based on an alternative version of a spatial interaction model. The project demonstrates that the changing functions of cities and the structural modernisation are influential on migration. Similar patterns are found, regarding the relative contributions of net migration and natural increase to population growth. The research finds links between these changes in the relative contribution of net migration and demographic modernisation. The findings on variations in urban and rural source areas of migrants to city regions do not contradict the expected pattern, but data limitations prevent definite conclusion to be drawn. The assessment of variations in migration intensity resulted in the expected pattern not being supported. Based on Swedish data, the hypothesised increase in migration intensity is rejected. Interactional migration data also show patterns different from those derived from the theoretical framework. The findings, from both research approaches, suggested that structural modernisation affected migration flows more than demographic modernisation. The findings lead to a formulation of hypothesised patterns for migration to city regions. The study provides an important research contribution by applying the two research approaches to city regions. It also combines the study of internal and international migration to address the research objectives within a framework of transitional change.

Une simple amélioration ou une modernisation radicale? La réforme de l'administration de la Commission Européenne

If the need for change and improvement in the Commission’s ways of working became evident as of 1979, the reform process began with the Santer Commission. Although the public management reform seems to focus on reducing personnel and expenses, it goes further in the sense of modernization: budgetary reforms aim at budgeting results and performance; emphasis is put on individual responsibility and evaluation and on a more flexible approach to personnel management, strategic planning, and transfer of authority.

Modernisation in small steps? Comparing the organisational reforms of the British Conservative Party and the German CDU

Research on political parties has long identified “environmental” pressures upon parties to undertake organisational and programmatic reforms – this applies in particular to “catch-all” parties or Volksparteien. Changed social and media structures, the decline of organisations traditionally associated with the parties, and the growth in alternative possibilities of political participation create significant organisational – as well as programmatic – challenges. This paper compares the German CDU and the British Conservatives in two respects: in particular it focuses on their organisational responses to the election defeats they suffered at the end of the 1990s, examining those reforms which took place and consider whether these match the expectations of organisational reforms anticipated by proponents of the “cartel party thesis”. While in both cases there are similarities, but (in particular in the German case) it is important not to understate the extent of internal party resistance to reform, and thus the difficulties with which aspiring party reformers are confronted. This conclusion suggests, more broadly, that in reality the process of party change is more than an almost automatic, isomorphic, and inevitable response to a changing environment. Rather it is punctuated, messy, and often contingent on events and agents.

Local government modernisation:UK and comparative analysis from an organizational perspective

This article analyses three strands of local government modernization. The first takes an overview of the development of 'modernization' and 'improvement' of local government in the UK under the Labour government since 1997 and the overall programme of reform. We discuss both the shifts and the continuities with the previous decade and a half of the 'new public management' of Conservative administrations. We examine the implicit assumptions about how to achieve organizational and cultural change, arguing that much modernization is premised on a mechanistic metaphor of organizational change. The second section of the article examines other metaphors and theories of organizational change, arguing for the need to consider institutional and organizational perspectives in analysing local government modernization. The third section of the article then applies some organizational concepts to the comparative analysis of local government modernization.