984 resultados para military intervention
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Includes bibliography
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Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR
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Este artículo analiza una experiencia pionera de investigación y experimentación orientada a la actividad agropecuaria argentina, radicada en el Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA). Con el objetivo de identificar rupturas y continuidades en la orientación de las actividades del Instituto durante su intervención militar y conexiones con la dinámica socio-económica del período, se estudia una de sus líneas de investigación, abocada a desarrollar una línea genética aviar nacional. A partir de publicaciones científicas, documentos institucionales, prensa de la época y entrevistas a informantes clave, se reconstruye y analiza esta trayectoria y su desmantelamiento durante la última dictadura (1976-1983)
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Este artículo analiza una experiencia pionera de investigación y experimentación orientada a la actividad agropecuaria argentina, radicada en el Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA). Con el objetivo de identificar rupturas y continuidades en la orientación de las actividades del Instituto durante su intervención militar y conexiones con la dinámica socio-económica del período, se estudia una de sus líneas de investigación, abocada a desarrollar una línea genética aviar nacional. A partir de publicaciones científicas, documentos institucionales, prensa de la época y entrevistas a informantes clave, se reconstruye y analiza esta trayectoria y su desmantelamiento durante la última dictadura (1976-1983)
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Este artículo analiza una experiencia pionera de investigación y experimentación orientada a la actividad agropecuaria argentina, radicada en el Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA). Con el objetivo de identificar rupturas y continuidades en la orientación de las actividades del Instituto durante su intervención militar y conexiones con la dinámica socio-económica del período, se estudia una de sus líneas de investigación, abocada a desarrollar una línea genética aviar nacional. A partir de publicaciones científicas, documentos institucionales, prensa de la época y entrevistas a informantes clave, se reconstruye y analiza esta trayectoria y su desmantelamiento durante la última dictadura (1976-1983)
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El continuo crecimiento de la demanda del transporte aéreo, junto con los nuevos escenarios de intervención militar, están obligando a una optimización en el uso del espacio aéreo. De este modo, la UE y los EEUU (a través de SESAR y NextGen respectivamente) han asentado las bases para una nueva gestión del tráfico aéreo (ATM). Con ello, se pretende aumentar la capacidad de aeropuertos y rutas aéreas, otorgando mayor flexibilidad al uso del espacio aéreo sin comprometer la seguridad de los usuarios. Desde un punto de vista puramente técnico, la clave de este cambio de modelo está en el conocimiento de la posición de cada aeronave en cada instante. En este sentido, la tendencia en ATM es el uso de ADS-B como fuente principal de posicionamiento. Sin embargo, debido a que este sistema está basado en la difusión de la posición obtenida a través de GPS, es necesario un sistema de seguimiento independiente. Actualmente, la intención es migrar del radar secundario de vigilancia (SSR) a la multilateración de área extensa (WAM), con el fin de mejorar la integridad de la posición para aplicaciones en ruta. Aprovechando el rápido despliegue de ADS-B, se pretende reutilizar sus estaciones base para WAM. Cada estación base que recibe el mensaje ADS-B de la aeronave envía conjuntamente la medida del tiempo de llegada (TOA) de dicho mensaje al centro de tráfico aéreo. La posición de la aeronave se obtiene mediante multilateración, cuya técnica consiste en utilizar las medidas de TOA de un mismo mensaje ADS-B obtenidas en las distintas estaciones base. El objetivo es estimar la posición de cada aeronave con la mayor precisión posible. Para poder diseñar el sistema que permite alcanzar este objetivo, son dos los aspectos básicos a estudiar. Por una parte, la identificación y posterior caracterización de los errores (tanto sistemáticos como aleatorios) que afectan a la medida de TOA. Por otra parte, es necesario el estudio de los sistemas de seguimiento, basados en versiones sofisticadas del filtro de Kalman (IMM, UKF). Una vez establecidos estos dos pilares, la presente tesis doctoral propone un sistema que permite efectuar el seguimiento de las aeronaves, corrigiendo los efectos de las principales distorsiones que afectan a la medida de TOA: la refracción troposférica y el error de sincronismo. La mejora en la precisión de la localización ha sido evaluada mediante simulación de escenarios hipotéticos. ABSTRACT The ever-growing demand in the air transportation and the new military intervention scenarios, are generating a need to optimize the use of the airspace. This way, the EU and the USA (through SESAR and NextGen respectively) have set the ground to overhaul the current air traffic management. The intention is to enhance the capacity of airports and air routes, providing greater flexibility in the use of airspace without jeopardizing the security of the end-users. From a technical perspective, the key for this change lies in the knowledge of the aircraft position. The trend in Air Traffic Management (ATM) is to rely on ADS-B as the main source for aircraft positioning. However, this system is based on the aircraft’s self-declaration of its own (often GPS-based) navigation solution. It is therefore necessary to have an independent surveillance system. Nowadays, the intention is to gradually migrate from Secondary Surveillance Radar (SSR) towards Wide Area Multilateration (WAM) in order to enhance surveillance integrity for en-route applications. Given the fast deployment of ADS-B, the aim is to use its base stations for WAM. Each station sends the Time of Arrival (TOA) of the received ADS-B messages to the air traffic center (ATC). The aircraft position is obtained through multilateration, using the TOA of the same message measured by each station. The aim is to accurately estimate the position of each aircraft. Knowledge from two key areas has to be gathered prior to designing such a system. It is necessary to identify and then characterize the errors (both systematic and random) affecting the TOA measurements. The second element is the study of tracking systems based on sophisticated versions of the Kalman filtering (e.g. IMM, UKF). Based on this knowledge, the main contribution of this Ph.D. is an aircraft tracking system that corrects the effects of the main errors involved in the TOA measurement: tropospheric refraction and synchronization issues. Performance gains in positioning accuracy have been assessed by simulating hypothetical WAM scenarios.
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El presente artículo analiza la conflictividad política en La Rioja a partir del "movimiento de pueblo", encabezado por Javier Villafañe en abril de 1816, y que buscaba reemplazar al Gobernador Ramón Brizuela y Doria. Estos sucesos, que tuvieron lugar en simultáneo al inicio de las sesiones del Congreso de Tucumán, estuvieron vinculados a la expansión de las ideas federales y autonomistas en el interior de las Provincias Unidas y a las disputas que se produjeron en torno a la organización política del nuevo estado y en torno quien debía asumir la conducción del proceso revolucionario. Nos aproximamos a esta cuestión a partir del análisis de la documentación que generó la comisión del teniente coronel Alejandro Heredia, designado para restablecer el orden en La Rioja, pero también, a partir del análisis de las intervenciones de las autoridades centrales y del gobernador de Córdoba. Para eso, hemos trabajado con material existente en el Archivo General de la Nación, en el Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Córdoba y diversa documentación editada referida al Congreso de Tucumán
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This thesis studies the rural collective action processes between 1920 and 1965 in Ecuador with a social history and political sociology approach. An approximation is carried out towards the conflicts, mobilizations and protests where indigenous and not indigenous peasants participated. Because of this, they are considered two periods, the first one that last from 1931 to 1947, sealed by the political instability and a constant change of governments; and the second one between 1948 and 1965, in a phase of successive constitutionally governments that ruled between 1948 and 1960. The conflicts and rural mobilizations reached a major visibility since 1958, deeply affecting the public opinion. The importance and magnitude of the rural mobilizations between 1959 and 1963 generated a controversy on their political effects in the agrarian change. Certainly, the rural mobilizations influenced in the outcome that took the political crisis, which concluded in the implantation of a military government in 1963. This government issued an Agrarian Reform Law in 1964, which modified partially the working relations and the land ownership. And, in addition, it defined a new type of military intervention in the policies that combined repression with reforms. The existence of a landowner social segment that backed a reform in the rural highland (sierra) society has been generally identified by Galo Plaza's figure. In his government (1948-1952), transformations were accentuated in the State intervention, mainly orientated towards the economic and political modernization. This was a new moment of coastal agro-exportation development with the leadership of the banana production. There were stimulated measures of promotion of the production and exportation of bananas. So, the road infrastructure was intensively spread and connected the producing zones with the export ports...
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From the Introduction. Since the – presumed – utilization of chemical weapons against civilians by the Assad regime late August, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community have been building the case for a military intervention, a punishing mission against Bashar al-Assad. Despite evidences that sarin gas was used, the UK and Germany seem to be out of the race – for a similar reason: domestic politics –, leaving the US and France in the starting blocks. French President Hollande has expressed his commitment to go to war. The world is now on hold waiting for the US as President Obama, after asking US Congress to postpone a vote on a military intervention, is working on a possible diplomatic solution with Russian President Putin. Since Kerry’s comments in London earlier this week, Russian President Putin has been seeking for a diplomatic solution that would put all Syrian chemical arsenals under international supervision.
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Russia was the first state in the world to de facto recognise the regime change in Kyrgyzstan that took place on 7 April 2010. This recognition, along with a previous campaign by the Russian media against the then President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, has given rise to suspicion that the events of April were provoked by Russia. However, it seems no more than reasonable to say that Russia provided some inspiration and lobbying in that direction. Russia offered support to the new Kyrgyz government almost immediately, albeit conditionally. Russia’s relations with Roza Otunbayeva’s government have been changing in nature; they are currently much cooler than they had been immediately after the coup. There are many indications that this change was a reaction to the extension of the lease agreement for the American military base in the Manas airport. At the same time, Moscow remains in contact with the political rivals to the current regime, which suggests that the Kremlin is preparing for different developments, and does not regard the current crisis as having been fully resolved. Despite the interim government’s plea for help, Russia refused to undertake military intervention in southern Kyrgyzstan, which plunged into ethnic unrest in June. This shows that Russia is wary of being dragged into a long-standing and bloody conflict in the region, which could entail considerable expenses and jeopardise Russia’s authority. It should be expected that after the October parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan, Russia will return to its plans to establish a second military base in this country (in addition to the Kant base) to reinforce its dominant position in the region. This is the first time that Russia has had a real chance to play a stabilising role in the CIS area. How Russia copes with this challenge may decide its position in post-Soviet Central Asia – and in a wider context, its relations with NATO, the USA and China.
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Germany’s stance on Libya at the UN Security Council and its later decision not to take part in the military intervention gave rise to heated controversy both in Germany and abroad. At home, this was criticised as “an enormous mistake of historic impact”1; while abroad this raised questions about Germany’s willingness to co-operate with its key Western allies. With its decision on Libya, Germany sealed the process of making its security policy independent from the stances of the US and France. It thus ceased to feel any compulsion to provide not only military engagement but also political support for overseas operations initiated by its key allies, even if these are legitimised by the UN Security Council. Germany’s stance, apart from finishing off a certain process, is also setting a starting point for a discussion inside Germany about its military engagement in international security policy. This will bring about a more assertive and selective approach to cooperation with NATO and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy.
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Summary. The crisis in Mali has brought the Sahel to the centre of international attention. This fragile region not only suffers from longstanding development challenges, but also from an acute security vacuum that has triggered military intervention. Many questions have arisen as a consequence of the crisis. Has the European Union the ability to cope with such a complex and dynamically evolving security environment? How have divergent views on the political roadmap to be adopted, and the lack of resources at the African level, impacted the crisis response? Can the different players involved agree on what are the most pertinent needs and challenges to be addressed? Are they ready for long-term engagement? Can regional organisations effectively collaborate and are they able to successfully integrate different agendas? Following a conference organised by the Institute for European Studies, the Egmont Institute and the Observatoire de l’Afrique on these questions this Policy Brief builds on the findings of the conference and provides an analytical overview of the regional crisis by focusing on the main challenges facing the Sahel, the local and regional dynamics at play and the military and security response.
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The decision process leading to the imposition of sanctions against Russia in response to its annexation of Crimea and its subsequent military intervention in Eastern Ukraine has been very difficult for the EU, with some member states claiming that they have been particularly hard hit because exports to Russia are important to their economies. This commentary shows, however, that the economic cost in terms of lost exports, and thus potentially jobs, has in reality been negligible.
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The November 13th terrorist attacks in Paris have prompted the European Union to activate the mutual assistance clause contained in Art. 42.7 of the EU Treaty. Member states are now entering the unchartered territory of large-scale conflict: will they join a French-led coalition of the willing, or is the military intervention against Daesh being Europeanised? This Commentary explores implications of the Paris attacks on European security and recommends coordinated and comprehensive responses to be taken within the EU framework.
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El presente artículo analiza la conflictividad política en La Rioja a partir del "movimiento de pueblo", encabezado por Javier Villafañe en abril de 1816, y que buscaba reemplazar al Gobernador Ramón Brizuela y Doria. Estos sucesos, que tuvieron lugar en simultáneo al inicio de las sesiones del Congreso de Tucumán, estuvieron vinculados a la expansión de las ideas federales y autonomistas en el interior de las Provincias Unidas y a las disputas que se produjeron en torno a la organización política del nuevo estado y en torno quien debía asumir la conducción del proceso revolucionario. Nos aproximamos a esta cuestión a partir del análisis de la documentación que generó la comisión del teniente coronel Alejandro Heredia, designado para restablecer el orden en La Rioja, pero también, a partir del análisis de las intervenciones de las autoridades centrales y del gobernador de Córdoba. Para eso, hemos trabajado con material existente en el Archivo General de la Nación, en el Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Córdoba y diversa documentación editada referida al Congreso de Tucumán