994 resultados para medieval literature


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La intención de este artículo es explicar la Disciplina Clericalis de Pedro Alfonso de Huesca, el primer autor de cuentos en la Edad Media.

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"New and revised edition [first] published October, 1911."

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Recently published articles

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Editors: Jan. 1888-Dec. 1889, A. Marignan, G. Platon, M. Wilmotte; Mar. 1889-Dec. 1892, A. Marignan, M. Wilmotte; Jan. 1893- A. Marignan, M. Prou, M. Wilmotte.

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The stories of King Arthur and his noble knights have fascinated audiences for many centuries and continue to being retold and fashioned to attract modern audiences. Amongst these stories is the tale of Wigalois, the son of the reputable Gawain. This dissertation traces the story of Wigalois across different languages, cultures, and media in order to show how this is a shared German-Yiddish narrative. Furthermore, this dissertations challenges traditional understanding of adaptation within a diachronic and teleological framework by uncovering dialogical and dynamic processes inherent in this narrative tradition. Using the theoretical framework of a combined Adaptation Studies and Medieval Literature Studies’ notions of unstable texts my argumentation focuses on eight specific examples: Wirnt von Grafenberg’s Wigalois (1st half 13th ct.), Italian murals from the fourteenth century, Wigoleis von dem Rade (1483/93), Viduvilt (Yiddish, 16th ct.), Johann Christoph Wagenseil’s Belehrung der Jüdisch-Teutschen Red- und Schreibart (Yiddish and German, 1715), Gabein (Yiddish, 1789), the illustrations by Ludwig Richter (before 1851), and Die phantastischen Abenteuer der Glücksritters Wigalois (Comic, German, 2011).

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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This dissertation examines medieval literary accounts of visions of the afterlife with an origin or provenance in Ireland from the perspective of genre, analysing their structural and literary characteristics both synchronically and diachronically. To this end, I have developed a new typology of medieval vision literature. I address the question in what manner the internationally attested genre of vision literature is adapted and developed in an Irish literary milieu. I explore this central research question through an interrogation of the typological unity of the key texts, both in formal arrangement and in the eschatological themes they express. My analysis of the structure and rhetoric of these narratives reveals the primary role of identity strategies, question-and-answer patterns and exhortation for their narrative cohesion and didactic function. In addition, I was able to make a formal distinction at text-level between the adaptation of the genre as an autonomous unit and the adaptation of thematic motifs as topoi. This further enabled me to nuance the distribution of characteristic features in the genre. My analysis of the spatial and temporal aspects of the eschatological journey confirms a preoccupation with personal eschatology. It reveals a close connection between the development of the aspects of graded access and trial in the genre and a growing awareness of an interim state of the soul after death. Finally, my dissertation provides new editions, translations and analyses of primary sources. My research breaks new ground in the hitherto underexplored area of genre adaptation in Ireland. In addition, it contributes significantly to our understanding of the nature of vision literature both in an Irish and a European context, and to our knowledge of the transmission of eschatological thought in the Latin West. Discusses the visions of: Laisrén, Fursa, Adomnán, Lóchán, Tnugdal, Owein and Visio Sancti Pauli Redactions VI and XI.

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Although the medieval papacy's stance towards the Jews is a well-established area of research, Jewish ideas about the papacy remain a surprisingly underdeveloped historical topic. This article explores such ideas through the genre of polemic and disputational literature. Jewish writers were keen to ensure the safety of their communities in western Europe and grateful for statements of papal protection. They fully acknowledged that popes had always played and would continue to play an important role in safeguarding their well-being and determining their future. Yet although contemporary and later writers often valued papal protection more highly than that of monarchs, emperors or clergy, they also knew that it had its carefully circumscribed limits. Furthermore, although they were respectful of the papacy's power, both spiritual and temporal, they were dismissive of the scriptural and theological formulations on which Christian claims for apostolic authority rested and highly critical of Christian beliefs about the papacy, in particular that of apostolic succession. Jewish ideas about both individual popes and the medieval papacy as an institution are therefore nuanced and complex; they deserve rigorous and wide-ranging investigation and it is hoped that this article will contribute to their better understanding.

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Quite a few texts from England were translated into Irish in the fifteenth and early-sixteenth centuries. The number of these texts was significant enough to suggest that foreign material of this sort enjoyed something of a vogue in late-medieval Ireland. Translated texts include Mandeville’s Travels, Guy of Warwick, Bevis of Hampton, Fierabras and a selection of saints’ lives. Scholars have paid little attention to the origins and initial readerships of these texts, but still less research has been conducted into their afterlife in early modern Ireland. However, a strikingly high number of these works continued to be read and copied well into the seventeenth century and some, such as the Irish translations of Octavian and William of Palerne, only survive in manuscripts from this later period. This paper takes these translations as a test case to explore the ways in which a cross-period approach to such writing is applicable in Ireland, a country where the renaissance is generally considered to have taken little hold. It considers the extent to which Irish reception of this translated material shifts and evolves in the course of this turbulent period and whether the same factors that contributed to the continued demand for a range of similar texts in England into the seventeenth century are also discernible in the Irish context.

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Mixed-content miscellanies (very frequent in the Byzantine and mediaeval Slavic written heritage) are usually defined as collections of works with non-occupational, non-liturgical application, and texts in them are selected and arranged according to no identifiable principle. It is a “readable” type of miscellanies which were compiled mainly on the basis of the cognitive interests of compilers and readers. Just like the occupational ones, they also appeared to satisfy public needs but were intended for individual usage. My textological comparison had shown that mixed- content miscellanies often showed evidence of a stable content – some of them include the same constituent works in the same order, regardless that the manuscripts had no obvious genetic relationship. These correspondences were sufficiently numerous and distinctive that they could not be merely fortuitous, and the only sensible interpretation was that even when the operative organizational principle was not based on independently identifiable criteria, such as the church calendar, liturgical function, or thematic considerations, mixed-content miscellanies (or, at least, portions of their contents) nonetheless fell into types. In this respect, the apparent free selection and arrangement of texts in mixed-content miscellanies turns out to be illusory. The problem was – as the corpus of manuscripts that I and my colleagues needed to examine grew – our ability to keep track of the structure of each one, and to identify structural correspondences among manuscripts within the corpus, diminished. So, at the end of 1993 I addressed a letter to Prof. David Birnbaum (University of Pittsburgh, PA) with a request to help me to solve the problem. He and my colleague Andrey Boyadzhiev (Sofia University) pointed out to me that computers are well suited to recording, processing, and analyzing large amounts of data, and to identifying patterns within the data, and their proposal was that we try to develop a computer system for description of manuscripts, for their analysis and of course, for searching the data. Our collaboration in this project is now ten years old, and our talk today presents an overview of that collaboration.

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Resumen: El hispanista francés Georges Cirot fue el primero en emplear el término “maurofilia literaria” (maurophilie littéraire) en 1938 para referirse a la representación del valor y la nobleza de los moros en la literatura española del siglo XVI. Pero como señaló Ramón Menéndez Pidal (1957, 202), ya en los siglos XIV y XV los castellanos se habían sentido atraídos por los musulmanes de Granada, por su exótica civilización, su lujo en el vestir, la espléndida ornamentación de sus edificios y su modo de cabalgar, armarse y combatir. Francisco Márquez Villanueva (1984, 117-118) indicó que aunque la literatura maurófila del siglo XVI fue elaborada bajo el signo avanzado del humanismo cristiano, cuyas características fueron “el inconformismo y la sensibilidad para toda suerte de realidades en divergencia del mundo oficial”, las raíces de la maurofilia literaria se encuentran en el viejo romancero fronterizo y morisco elaborado en el siglo XV. En su opinión, el Romancero fue la patria de la “maurofilia pura” y es donde encontramos un cuadro de referencias temáticas “hecho de toponimia y onomástica, armas, indumentaria, policromía y cabalgadas” tendiente a caracterizar al moro como un ser refinado y superior. Para María Rosa Lida (1960, 355), en cambio, la imagen caballeresca del moro se remonta a don Juan Manuel, pues en sus obras aparecen las cortes musulmanas como “centros de molicie refinada y suntuosa”. En efecto, en el Libro de los estados se afirma el valor del moro como guerrero y en el Conde Lucanor aparecen una serie de reyes moros magnánimos y discretos. Sin embargo, el árabe como personaje sabio o “ejemplar” figura ya en una de las fuentes del Conde Lucanor, la Disciplina clericalis, obra compuesta a principios del siglo XII por el judío converso Pedro Alfonso. Por otra parte, el análisis de la representación de los moros en textos épicos, Avengalvón en el Poema de mio Cid y Almanzor en la Los siete infantes de Lara, nos permite descubrir un importante e insoslayable antecedente de la maurofilia de los últimos siglos de la Edad Media